17th Century Music

http://www.cir17.info/colloques/princeton
Ce colloque pluridisciplinaire se propose d'examiner la place des pratiques collaboratives dans la culture française du XVIIe siècle. Alors que se renforce la monarchie absolue, incarnée par un souverain unique, il règne dans le domaine des arts et des lettres un esprit (ou impératif) de collaboration d'où résultent de nombreuses oeuvres plus ou moins collectives. Il s'agira d'étudier ces productions sous tous leurs aspects (genèse et réception, formes et idées, style et sens), d'interroger leur réussite ou échec, et de les situer par rapport aux ouvrages plus « solitaires ». Pourquoi écrire à quatre mains, voire plus ? Comment peut-on travailler en commun avec son frère ou son maître, un compositeur ou un graveur ? La Bruyère avait-il raison d'écrire : « L'on n'a guère vu jusques à présent un chef-d'oeuvre d'esprit qui soit l'ouvrage de plusieurs » ?

On the Continent, mensural music theory, especially the Ars Nova theory established in the fourteenth century in which each note is divided into two equal beats (duple) or three equal beats (triple) was handed down continuously, but during the sixteenth century, it had begun to decline and was replaced gradually with the modern rhythmic system that consists only of duple. In England, on the other hand, there is little evidence for rhythmic theory between 1500 and 1560 due to the lack of English theory books. In the late sixteenth century, however, theory books began to appear in England, where the modern duple system seems to have already taken root. In fact, Thomas Morley testifies in his A Plaine and Easie Introduction to Practical Musicke (1597) that mensural music theory was no longer in use, although he argues that this art should be preserved. Moreover, An Introduction to the Skill of Musick by John Playford (1623-1686/7) still mentions mensural music theory, despite its decline on the Continent. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to examine how mensural music theory is dealt with in this book.

The Introduction by Playford, who monopolised the rights for musical publishing in London, is a remarkable rudimentary book for amateurs, which was published from 1654 to 1730; the editions between 1654 and 1687, just after his death, describe both mensural music theory and the modern rhythmic system, whereas most explanations about the former are removed in those between 1694 and 1730, which were revised by Henry Purcell. It should be emphasised that in the editions before 1694, Playford had tried many times to correct his descriptions of mensural signs of the four moods that are comprised of “the perfect of the more”, “the perfect of the less”, “the imperfect of the more”, and “the imperfect of the less”. In particular, he confused the sign of the perfect of the less with that of the imperfect of the more, and vice versa. Despite his repetitive corrections, he could not reach the right answers, even in the 1687 edition. Such mistakes, however, were quite common and are also found in other writing such as Anonymous’ The Pathway to the Music (1596) and Morley’s Introduction. Consequently, Playford seems to have followed the precedent obediently both in the incorrect usage of the signs and in the spirit that mensural music theory must be preserved.

This article celebrates the 400th anniversary of Isabella Leonarda – 17th-century nun, singer & composer – in connection with the Earthly Angels performance and recording project. You can hear some of her music here: https://vaasabaroque.com/play/

In 1601, song-composer Caccini proclaimed the Baroque priorities of his ‘New Music’ as ‘Speech and Rhythm’. In Baroque speech and music, Rhetoric aims to ‘move the passions’. Leonarda’s precise notations contradict 20th-century assumptions that performers choose their own tempo, or that expressiveness requires rubato.

Poetic detail, moving passions, vocal effects, contrasts of tempo, expressive gestures: Leonarda does ‘act with the hand, act with the heart’. The composer’s hand notates subtle tempo changes, in which the serene movement of the Divine Hand is reflected in the diverse pulse-rates of a lover’s human heart. Violinists’ and continuo-players’ hands give life to instrumental music, a microcosm of heavenly perfection, yet swayed by the human passions of the Four Humours. All this is guided by Tactus and expressed by gestures.

Invisible to her 17th-century listeners, almost unnoticed by musicologists until recently, women’s hands are the heart and soul of Leonarda’s music.

An extended version of this article is published online at  http://andrewlawrenceking.com/2020/08/20/leonarda/

So far, Stradella’s operatic production has been reconstructed on the basis of the operas that the musician composed in Genoa during the last years of his life. This article aims to present recent discoveries that shed light on Stradella’s Roman years and on the network of relationships that he maintained with the leading fi gures of the Roman aristocracy. The new acquisitions on his production would not have been possible without the discovery of the inventory of the music belonging to the singer and friend of the composer Giovan Battista Vulpio. Unpublished archival documents have revealed that this huge collection probably belonged to the Roman prince Flavio Orsini, who was the librettist for two of Stradella’s operas, “La Doriclea” and “Il moro per amore”, that were copied on his behalf in 1672 and 1681 respectively. The inventory of the Vulpio (formerly Orsini) collection reveals the title of a hitherto unknown opera by Stradella, “Amare e fingere” (“Loving and pretending”), whose score – as argued in the article – can be identifi ed with the one, anonymous and without title, which is preserved in the Chigi collection of the Vatican Library. This ‘commedia per musica’, based on simple love plots, with few characters and a small number of instruments, was performed in Siena in 1676 under Chigi patronage. The attribution to Stradella seems to be confi rmed both by some biographical elements of the composer, and by some details of the compositional style.

Journal ed. 2018. Published: 2019.

Abstract:
The construction of character on the early operatic stage by means of musical gestures is an arresting achievement of Italian master Claudio Monteverdi (1567-1643), a practice first evident in his signature opera L’Orfeo, 'Favola in Musica.' In Monteverdi’s depiction of character, notably that of Orfeo and Apollo, his decisions to express emotion through voice type and musical/rhetorical devices appear at the surface to be connected primarily to contemporary aesthetic concepts and singing style conventions, representing the ideas of morality/character (ethos), reason (logos), and emotion (pathos) in much subtler ways than in his late opera 'L’incoronazione di Poppea.' Monteverdi’s operatic style in Orfeo is indebted to several factors, namely cultural, personal, and social conditions (e.g., his exposure to musical activities in other Italian city-states, his involvement with cultural academies, and the constraints resulting from his Mantuan patronage). Lacking the freedom to write for the public theater as in his later operas, Orfeo can be seen as a result of three determining factors: cultural environment and the patronage system; aesthetics of singing/performance practice; and the influence of cultural academies, in particular the Accademia degli Invaghiti. By re-examining primary sources and re-evaluating several contemporary scholarly studies, this paper aims to further an understanding of Monteverdi’s aesthetic position as it affected his construction of operatic characters and their musical depiction, informed by the three factors above. Such an impact will be discerned using Orfeo’s 'Possente spirto' and the duet between Apollo and Orfeo 'Saliam, cantando al Cielo' (without excluding other excerpts of great importance in this opera) in which similar musical settings represent different dramatic situations.

En este artículo se presentan los retratos en pintura de tres virtuosos, protagonistas de la escena teatral del siglo XVII en Italia, que se han localizado en colecciones madrileñas. Se trata de los retratos del compositor Alessandro Scarlatti, del famosos castratto Matteo Sassano –Matteuccio- y del archilaudista Petruccio –que posiblemente pueda identificarse con Pietro Ugolino-.

La serie, documentada en las colecciones del X conde de Santisteban, don Francisco de Benavides -virrey de Nápoles entre 1688 y 1696- se completaba con la efigie del ingeniero y escenógrafo Philip Schor, cuyo retrato se encuentra todavía en paradero desconocido.

La presencia de estas pinturas en España en 1697, al regreso del conde de Santisteban a Madrid, coincide con un proceso de renovación a la italiana a nivel artístico y musical en la corte madrileña durante los últimos años del reinado de Carlos II. Este hecho adelantaría en cierto modo el interés en los círculos de la corte por la música del compositor palermitano antes de la llegada de los Borbones.

Así mismo, el hallazgo de estas imágenes contribuye a completar el conocimiento iconográfico que se tiene de los protagonistas de la escena musical de finales del siglo XVII en Italia.

Théodora Psychoyou, "De la présence de l’air de cour dans les écrits théoriques du XVIIe siècle : une rhétorique de l’actio", in Poésie, musique et société. L’air de cour en France au XVIIe siècle, éd. Georgie Durosoir, Sprimont, Mardaga, 2006, p. 183-205 (coll. “Études du Centre de musique baroque de Versailles”).

The cercar della nota consists in the intonation of a melodic phrase by means of portamenti or passing notes. Most musicologists consider it a vocal practice limited to the 17th century, and in particular to composers of the seconda
prattica (G. B. Bovicelli 1594 and G. Caccini 1602) but also to German composers that introduced elements of the Italian style in their country (among them, M. Praetorius 1619, C. Bernhard 1650 ca. and W. Mylius 1685). On the contrary, there are written document that confirm that this grace – born in Italy and then
spread out in Europe – was practiced well until the first decades of the 20th century, although with some different names and characteristics. Intervals, position within the musical phrase, use of ‘carrying’ of the tone, can change from period to period. In the majority of cases, the mentioned written sources are singing
primers. Among these, the most relevant ones are German, but we also find some Spanish (Remacha 1799), French (García 1847) and English (Corri 1779) ones. In the 17th century, the cercar della nota was not only permitted but even required. Since the mid18th century, some authors started to consider it a misused device: it was therefore banned by theorists because of its abuse. Although it was considered nauseating, it had nonetheless never been abandoned from practice the praxis the 20th century. The cercar della nota was sometimes justified more by technical more than aesthetical reasons. Rather than articulating syllables on high
notes, a singer can pronounce them on a lower passing note. This leads to the real one through a portamento. Relying on the evidence of numerous written sources, the author argues that historically informed performances of vocal music of the
past should not exclude the phenomenon of the cercar della nota, a technique that is totally neglected nowadays.

"The religious musical production in São Paulo and Minas Gerais, in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, has been studied under the concept that particular styles were employed according to different regions and epochs. As evidenced by musical manuscripts found in São Paulo and Minas Gerais, this work will reveal the existence of a religious repertoire produced according to the stile antico. Although the repertoire was produced and/or copied during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, it kept compositional techniques of Western European Music of the Renaissance (sixteenth century). The style of these religious compositions contrasts with the techniques used in the stile moderno, which derive from operatic and secular instrumental repertoires. Based on a survey of ten different library holdings, 145 stile-antico compositions have been analyzed in order to understand their main features, and their functional role regarding the musical religious practice in São Paulo and Minas Gerais during the periods understudied. Three types of music notation were identified, as well as several types of composition for the same ceremonial function. The conclusion will show that compositions denoting stile-antico techniques, produced mainly for Holy Week celebrations, are mostly found among copies with no indication of authorship, and the employment of those techniques, either in São Paulo or Minas Gerais, was not due to mere aesthetic alternatives, but out of respect to liturgical prescriptions. The sources consulted also present copies of other stile-antico compositions produced in Europe (mainly in Portugal) prior to the eighteenth century, since their functional role in Catholic ceremonies had still survived.

A produção musical religiosa em São Paulo e Minas Gerais, nos séculos XVIII e XIX, tem sido estudada a partir da concepção de que foram empregados estilos únicos em determinadas épocas e regiões. Neste trabalho pretende-se demonstrar a existência, em acervos paulistas e mineiros de manuscritos musicais, de obras religiosas em estilo antigo, que exibem a manutenção de técnicas composicionais da música renascentista européia (século XVI), mas foram produzidas e/ou copiadas nos séculos XVIII e XIX: suas características são contrastantes com as das obras em estilo moderno do mesmo período, que utilizam técnicas originárias da ópera e da música instrumental profana. Após um levantamento em dez acervos, foram descritas e estudadas cento e quarenta e cinco composições em estilo antigo, procurando-se compreender suas principais características e sua função na prática musical religiosa paulista e mineira desse período. Além de terem sido detectados três sistemas de notação musical e vários tipos de composição para a mesma função cerimonial, concluiu-se que o estilo antigo concentra-se em cópias sem indicação de autoria, principalmente destinadas à Semana Santa, e que este não foi utilizado, em São Paulo e Minas Gerais, como mera alternativa estética, mas sim como uma forma conservadora de respeito às prescrições litúrgicas. Por ainda possuírem função nas cerimônias católicas, também foram copiadas, nessa época, composições em estilo antigo produzidas na Europa (especialmente em Portugal), em período anterior ao século XVIII."

This is an overview of the English division viol, assembling the information available from first hand sources. What are its roots? How and when does it appear in contemporary sources? Was it really a small size viol? Is the six-string violin-shaped division viol portrayed in Simpson’s book one and the same instrument as the six-string bass violin described in James Talbot’s manuscript?
The study of the early sources reveals a picture quite different from the one we are used to.

Having been thoroughly versed in Sweelinck’s novel approach to polyphonic keyboard composition with its emphasis on strict voice leading and integration of “line” and figuration, Scheidemann initally eschewed the (written-out) motet intavolation. However, he rather surprisingly did turn to it in the 1630s, after his own keyboard style had fully matured, and composed a remarkable collection of highly sophisticated examples. It was thus with a measure of historical awareness that he revived this obsolete genre.

Questo studio riguarda la vita musicale presso la Cappella dei Cantori e il Collegio degli Innocenti della Cattedrale di San Giovanni Battista di Torino tra il 1600 e il 1650. Esso segue uno studio pubblicato precedentemente, riguardante la medesima istituzione tra il 1500 e il 1575 e sarà seguito da un saggio analogo riguardante il periodo intermedio.
Solo recentemente sono stati riordinati i Sindicati della Cappella, vale a dire i documenti contabili, ed è stato possibile leggere la maggior parte dei passaggi significativi, pubblicati estensivamente nell'Appendice di documenti che si trova al termine del saggio. Inoltre, una Tabella indica/riporta i maestri di musica e di grammatica, raggruppa i nomi e i ruoli dei coristi, dei pueri e le presenze degli strumentisti, insieme all'entità delle paghe, alle provenienze, alle durate del servizio.
Alcune figure importanti transitarono da Torino: i loro dettagli biografici in tali anni sono contestualizzati per la prima volta. Si viene a conoscenza delle vicende del maestro Giovanni Luigi Cerro e degli organisti Pietro Antonio Aliaudo e Giovanni Petito. Dei successivi maestri  le biografie vengono coordinate con le opere a stampa pervenuteci e con le testimonianze del loro operato altrove nel Nord Italia. Così abbiamo Giovanni Battista Stefanini (maestro dal 1603 circa a non dopo il 1605); la figura interessante di Ruggero Trofeo, in servizio in duomo dal 1607 o poco prima, come organista e più avanti sicuramente anche con funzioni di maestro, fino alla morte (1613: di Trofeo ho identificato uno sconosciuto O sacrum convivium nel fondo di manoscritti musicali del duomo, qui trascritto nell'Appendice 1); Enrico Antonio Radesca, organista almeno dal 1604 e maestro dal 1615 fino alla morte (che possiamo ora datare al settembre 1625). Vengono alla luce alcuni inediti periodi di interim come direttore della musica di personalità quali Filippo Albini (1624 e 1628-1629); Giovanni Stefano Fontana Morello (1626-inizio 1628); Filippo Vitali (ottobre 1629-1630); Guido Antonio Cerro (maggio 1637-maggio 1639). Nel solco della bravura di Trofeo si sviluppano gli anni giovanili all'organo del figlio di lui Grisostomo e di Fabrizio Fontana, organisti nella cattedrale torinese rispettivamente dal 1619 al 1631-1632 il primo e dal 1632 al 1639 il secondo. Si colloca dopo questi anni l'inizio dell'epoca di Giovanni Battista Trabattone, a Torino fin dal 1632 ma stabilmente al vertice della cappella dal 1643 e da allora presumibilmente anche organista. Di Trabattone una ricognizione del catalogo delle opere condotta sui manoscritti del duomo ha permesso di ricostruire un ciclo di inni, di cui nell'Appendice 2 si trascrive Jesu redemptor omnium.
Nella prima metà del Seicento, tenendo presente lo scenario in via di sviluppo di una Torino, importante capitale di un ducato sempre più presente nello scacchiere europeo, il ruolo di mecenate del duca Carlo Emanuele di Savoia, [i risvolti della sua politica ecclesiastica], è possibile notare una delle principali caratteristiche della musica in cattedrale e più in generale dell'arte e dell'intrattenimento di corte: lo stretto rapporto tra il corpo musicale del duomo e le musiche della corte. La corte era collocata nei locali del palazzo immediatamente a ridosso al complesso architettonico del duomo - e incastonato proprio nella metà spaziale tra i due edifici fu lo spazio sacro per la Sindone: essa dimostrerà una netta capacità di imporre che i medesimi musici e cantori prestassero la propria opera contemporaneamente in Duomo e a corte o presso l'entourage dell'altro mecenate delle arti e di un personale corpo musicale, il cardinale Maurizio; fenomeno reso ovvio anche dal fatto che in molte occasioni del cerimoniale entrambe le musiche fossero chiamate a partecipare. Tra i cantori che personificano tale interdipendenza vi furono Laudilio Vignati, Pietro Michele Carrozzano, Michele Antonio Borgarello, Angelo Barbarino, Claudio Viano, Antonio Buccafuoco, Michel Angelo Brunerio, Filiberto Ghigo, oppure l'organista Pietro Gallacia, oppure ancora gli strumentisti Giovanni Giacomo Torriano (trombone) e Antonio Burdese (violone), per concludere con l'interessante figura di Innocenzo Somis, inizialmente soprano presso il duomo e poi suonatore di violone in entrambe le cappelle, primo membro della famosa dinastia di violinisti.

This study concerns musical life of the Cappella dei Cantori (chorists' chapel) and the Collegio degli Innocenti (choirboys' college) in the Cathedral of San Giovanni Battista in Turin between 1600 and 1650. It follows a previously published research about the same institution betwenn 1500 and 1575 and will be integrated soon by a similar paper about the intermediate period.
The Sindacati della Cappella (i. e. the account books) have been put in order only recently and it has been possible to read them and publish ample passages in the Appendix. Moreover, a Table reports the name of music and grammar teachers and of the pueri, the role of the singer and the instrumentists, besides the salaries, the provenance and duty duration.
Some important personalities passed through (or stayed in) Turin: the biographical details of their 'Turin years' are here described for the first time. In the same way we learn about masters like Giovanni Luigi Cerro and organists like Pietro Antonio Aliaudo and Giovanni Petito, at the beginnings of the century. The biographies of the following masters are connected with their extant printed works and with other documentary evidences of their wirk elsewhere in (northern) Italy. So we have Giovanni Battista Stefanini (master from 1603 approximately until – and not after – 1605); the interesting figure of Ruggero Trofeo (in service in the cathedral in 1607 or shortly before, as organist and later probably also with functions of master until death in 1613: I have identified an unknown O sacrum convivium by Trofeo in a musical manuscript in the Cathedral archives and I trascribed it in Appendix 1); Enrico Antonio Radesca (organist at least from 1604 and teacher from 1615 until his death, which can now be dated in September 1625). Some unknown interim periods came to light when masters were Filippo Albini (i 1624 and in 1628-1629 again), Giovanni Stefano Fontana Morello (from 1626 to the beginnings of 1628), Filippo Vitali (October 1629 – end of 1630), Guido Antonio Cerro (from May 1637 to May 1639). Into the groove of Trofeo’s skill, his son Grisostomo (from 1619 to 1632) and Fabrizio Fontana (from 1632 to 1639) took the first steps. After these years, an age of continuity with the following chapel master, Giovanni Battista Trabattone: he was in Turin from 1632, but steadily at the top of the chapel from 1643 and starting from this year presumably organist as well; his duties ended in 1682 (his death year) or somewhat earlier. A careful survey of Trabattone’s catalogue in the musical archives of the Cathedral has enabled the reconstruction of an hymn cycle: the first of them, Jesu redemptor omnium, is transcribed in Appendix 2.
In this half of the century, on the secular side, in the city of Turin - become capital of the Duchy of Savoy in 1563 and even more partecipating in the italian and european arena - the Duke Charles Emmanuel I stood up as an art patron and expressed a precise ecclesiastical politics. One also had to consider that the ducal court lied in the building immediately behind the architectural complex of the Cathedral and the space where the Holy Shroud was stored was physically between the dome and the ducal palace. All these factors would produce one of the most characteristic feature of Turin cathedral music: its close relationship with the musical bodies of the court and - concretely - that many of the musicians and chorists would work at the same time in the Cathedral and at the Court or in the entourage of Cardinal Maurice of Savoy, son of the Duke. This phaenomenon can also be explained by the fact thatin many ceremonial occasion both the musical bodies were called to take part. Among the chorists personifying this interdependence Laudilio Vignati, Pietro Michele Carrozzano, Michele Antonio Borgarello, Angelo Barbarino, Claudio Viano, Antonio Buccafuoco, Michel Angelo Brunerio, Filiberto Ghigo; among the instrumentist the organist Pietro Gallacia, the trombonist Giovanni Giacomo Torriano, the violone player Antonio Burdese. Special attention goes to Innocenzo Somis, at the beginning soprano at the Cathedral and then violone player in both the chapels: he was the first member of the renown violinist dynasty.

The Concert champêtre on the 1628 Joannes Ruckers harpsichord, a rare testimony of the painted corpus by Robert Bonnart (1652-1733)

Marie-Christine ANSELM

The Museum of the Château de Versailles nowadays preserves one of the most beautiful specimens of the European harpsichord making, the Joannes Ruckers 1628 harpsichord, built in Antwerp and rebuilt (ravalé) in Paris in 1706, probably by the harpsichord maker Nicolas Blanchet, and then adorned with a sumptuous  decor.
It is exemplary of the model that would become in France the nec plus ultra for the amateurs until the end of the Ancien Regime, at the end of a process of appropriation with musical, organological, decorative, economic implications, a most interesting phenomenon in the history of taste.
Attributed to the ornemaniste Claude III Audran, its  external decoration with grotesques on a gilded ground celebrates both music and love. The inner side of the  lid is decorated with a painting depicting an italianate landscape, animated by a Small Concert champêtre whose protagonists wear  costumes from the Commedia dell’arte, and whose author was remained unknown until now.
From the role of paintings in French harpsichord decoration, this article looks into the iconographic sources of this representation of music, and traces our investigation based on a signature fragment, detected in 2008 at the occasion of the restoration of the harpsichord by Alain Anselm.
At the end of these investigations, we propose the attribution, or rather the return of this painting to Robert Bonnart (1652-1733). Former  collaborator of Van der Meulen and then a peintre ordinaire du Roi, he is still best known nowadays for  his preparatory drawings for the engravings marketed by his brothers. This restitution de facto leads up to attribute to the same painter another painting of landscape, quite similar in its italianate design, its composition and its pictorial treatment, the Danse champêtre on the Joannes Couchet 1652 harpsichord. This other prestigious Flemish instrument, extended in 1701 and redecorated for financier Charles Malon de Bercy, now belongs to the collections of the Musée de la musique in Paris. In the light of documents and recent work on the Bonnart dynasty, we can thus give back to this multi-talented artist a specific mode of practice of landscape painting, as part of the harpsichord decorations.
Finally, our identification does not exclude the involvement, for the  idiosyncratic figures of this little  Fête galante before the letter, of a young painter named Antoine Watteau, Claude III Audran's collaborator.

This article is the first in a series dedicated to this harpsichord, which will follow Le décor du clavecin Joannes Ruckers 1628 du Château de Versailles, and Un clavecin chez les Romantiques: le peintre Joseph-Fernand Boissard (1813-1866) et son clavecin Joannes Ruckers 1628.

In the late 17th century, the Castrati are a familiar presence for the aristocrats of the Italian Peninsula, who usually enjoy their singing and in various circumstances exercise the functions of playwrights and organizers of musical events. However, the ability as singers and the 'self-promotional' talent can raise the status of some «musici» and introduce then into the same noble class, although the social ascent is not entirely undisputed and free of any risk for a Castrato of the Baroque period.

The present study explores the relationship between the 17th-century free-style repertoire for the harpsichord and the concept of subjectivity in Early Modern Europe. It involved considerations about the socio-historical role of music, the philosophic discussions on subjectivity, and cultural issues of the period. The reflection about the content of the works and the possible connection points between this music and subjectivity was centred on the concept of time in its musical, philosophic and cultural dimension. For the investigation of the textual and performative aspects of the musical discourse a phenomenological approach is chosen. Free-style music both articulates and sheds light on significant aspects of Early Modern subjectivity: the ambivalence between quantifiable and unquantifiable, the theatricality of self-expression, the subjective as object of representation, the balance between authority and subjugation, and the separation of the subject and his or her representation through perspective. It also calls attention to some facets of subjectivity that may be particularly musical: the intentionality of time flexibility, the subject‘s conflict between fixity and transiency (instantiated in notated free-style music), and the shared nature of musical subjectivity (in connection with the understanding that the individual readings of the musical text may be seen as 'appropriations‘ of the composer‘s playing style). Free-style music may be seen as both reflection and constitutive part of the subject‘s move towards autonomy in the sense understood within modernity. It also expresses the vagueness and changeability of the seventeenth-century subject.

Théodora Psychoyou, « De la mesure, du rythme, et du statut du temps au XVIIe siècle : une nouvelle rythmopoétique », La Fabrique des paroles de musique à l’âge classique, textes réunis par Anne-Madeleine Goulet et Laura Naudeix, Wavre, Mardaga, 2010, p. 37-56

How the Baroque idea of 'meraviglioso'  (wonder)  is reflected in modern performances of seventeenth century opera? Is it still important for  audience, performers and directors ? This paper aims at exploring the different meanings that the 'meraviglioso'  assumed in the seventeenth century art and culture; moreover modern stagings of Francesco Cavalli's operas are discussed.

BERROCAL, Joseba . "Le ornamentazioni francesi a cavallo tra Sei e Settecento: fra invisibilità e persistenza di modelli non scritti" in 'Early Music. Context and Ideas II,  International Conference in Musicology,  11-14 September 2008. Institute of Musicology. Jagiellonian University'. Krakow: instytut Muzykologii Uniwersytetu Jagielloniskiego. 2008, p. 471-487. ISBN 9788370991579

. Marc-Antoine Charpentier's 'Miserere' settings : a rhetorical approach (in French)

. Republished in 'Marc-Antoine Charpentier, un musicien retrouvé' , textes réunis par Catherine Cessac, Versailles, CMBV ; Sprimont, Mardaga, 2005, p. 313-346 (coll. “Études du Centre de musique baroque de Versailles”)
. First published in 'Bulletin de la Société Marc-Antoine Charpentier', 14 (1997), p. 1-21.

The study of Corelli’s compositions not included in his six printed collections is still at its beginnings. Fifty years after cataloguing Corelli’s works for the new critical edition, an examination of some of his sonatas considered to be doubtful reveals that there is an urgent need for rethinking both the classification criteria and the boundaries that have been established between the dubious compositions and the ones without opus number, at least as far as the oldest, most authentic sources are concerned. In this study, I present arguments to confirm authorship of some of Corelli’s unpublished works (e.g., Anh. 19 and Anh. 33), based in the first place on data gathered from the material transmission of the compositions under consideration. In addition, I propose a few basic premises to tackle the study of the large body of English sources, including some of the earliest manuscripts that contain unpublished Corelli sonatas that can be dated with some precision. These English sources offer, in addition to trio sonatas (including Corelli’s WoO 5), several ‘sonate a violino solo e basso’ not found on the continent: their attribution to Corelli seems in many cases to be correct, or at least plausible; in any case, it should be pondered seriously in light of the extensive musical exchanges between Rome and England.

The materials exposed on this paper, displayed according to a lexicographical format (biographies of the composers, a brief valuation of their productions, inventories of their preserved compositions, and bibliographies), cannot pretend to finish a comprehensive work about the mentioned composers, but just to provide a context for them and their time, looking at the musical environment where they developed their activities, in order to help to get a better understanding of their musical compositions and the meaning they involve. Biographies for each composer are derived from a previous redaction –now enlarged, modified and newly revised–, originally intended to be included in the Diccionario de la Música Española e Hispanoamericana of the SGAE. The results, comes from a synthetic work developed through many years in the musical archives of the two cathedrals (“El Pilar” and “La Seo”) in Saragosse, or other ecclesiastical archives in Spain. Some of the included chapters have been modified and updated specially for this occasion.

Los materiales que se exponen a continuación, planteados en un formato claramente lexicográfico (a manera de biografía del compositor, más breve valoración de su obra, catalogación de su producción musical y bibliografía al efecto), no pueden pretender
presentar o agotar un trabajo exhaustivo acerca de los compositores reseñados, sino únicamente, enmarcarlos en la época y el ambiente musical en el que éstos desarrollaron su actividad, con vistas a apoyar, o ayudar a una mejor comprensión de sus composiciones musicales legadas y el significado que éstas encierran. Las semblanzas de cada autor parten, bien de una redacción previa realizada en su día con vistas a ser incluidas en el Diccionario de la Música Española e Hispanoamericana de la SGAE, bien de su ampliación y revisión de cara a un trabajo académico. Es por ello que, en algunos casos, los artículos presentan una extensión
bastante amplia, debido a que responden a la síntesis de un trabajo de varios años en el Archivo de Música de las Catedrales de Zaragoza, u otros archivos eclesiásticos. Además, algunos de los capítulos aquí incluidos han sido, para esta ocasión,
ligeramente modificados y/o actualizados.

The analysis of 29 manuscript copies and two printed collections (Messa e salmi, parte concertati, 1640; Motetti a voce sola, 1647) by Giovanni Antonio Rigatti (1613–1648) shows that his compčositions were copied and performed in Koper in larger quantities than music by any other composer. There are 12 mass movements (8 copied from the 1640 print), 4 Glorias not known from prints, 10 psalm settings (copied from 1640 and 1646 prints; 2 remain unidentified), 7 motets and antiphons of which all but 2 are unidentified. Copies were written by 7 different scribes, one securely identified as Antonio Tarsia (1643−1722) local organist and composer. Others were possibly maestri di cappella or instrumentalists at the Cathedral of Koper from the mid- to the end of the 17th century.

Johannes Menkes Lehrbuch Kontrapunkt II behandelt die Kompositionstechnik der Barockzeit und stellt damit die Fortsetzung zu Kontrapunkt I dar. Claudio Monteverdi bezeichnete die moderne Musikpraxis seiner Zeit, die wir heute als Beginn des Barock beschreiben, als »Seconda prattica«. Der Band legt daher einen besonderen Schwerpunkt auf das 17. Jahrhundert und erklärt, mit welchen Techniken und Denkweisen Komponisten wie Monteverdi, Purcell, Corelli, Couperin, Händel oder Bach komponiert haben. Dabei stützt sich das Lehrbuch konsequent auf die ganz pragmatische zeitgenössische Satzlehre der Barockzeit und macht in zahlreichen neu gesetzten Beispielen aus historischen Lehrbüchern vergessenes Wissen wieder neu zugänglich.