19th Century German History

This is a draft section of a chapter in my forthcoming Ph.D., in which I explore the anti-Semitic theories and theological views of 19th-century German preacher and politician Adolf Stoecker. I examine Stoecker's influence on Nazism, and suggest that whilst Stoecker certainly influenced Nazi ideology, it is a mistake to view his own anti-Semitism through the lens of the Holocaust.

NOW OUT OF PRINT 

Title: Prussian Napoleonic Landwehr Infantry and Cavalry 1813-15: Landsturm, Volunteer Cavalry and Streifkorps
Publisher: Partizan Press
Pages: 224 pages and over 380 colour illustrations.

This is the companion volume to the successful two volumes on the Prussian Infantry 1808-1840.

The Landwehr and volunteers were essential in the success of the Prussian Army during the Wars of Liberation (1813-1815) against Napoleon. Their participation permitted the army to quadruple in size by August 1813 and become the cutting edge of the Allied Armies.

This unique work is the companion to the author’s two volume reference on the Prussian Infantry 1808-1840. It documents the campaign history, organisation, uniforms, horse furniture and their commanders, whether Landwehr (infantry and cavalry), Landsturm, Civil Guard, National Cavalry or Volunteers (Freiwilliger Jäger, Freikorps, and Streifkorps). For the first time in one volume the great diversity of their uniforms are lavishly illustrated and explored in detail, not previously attempted even in German.

The work draws upon all the essential sources on Prussian uniforms, including the contemporary works of Elberfeld and Genty. The 380+ colour illustrations include 331 of uniforms after Hans, Brauer, Woldemar Friedrich, Herbert Knötel, Richard Knötel, Bob Marrion, Carl Röchling and Moritz Ruhl plus 18 tables, 12 order of battles, 110 uniform details, saddlecloths and lance pennants.

In: Martin Baumeister, Philipp Lenhard, Ruth Nattermann (ed.): Rethinking the Age of Emancipation. Comparative and Transnational Perspectives on Gender, Family, and Religion in Italy and Germany, 1800–1918. New York, Oxford: Berghahn, 2020, S. 139-162.

Open access:  http://sh.diva-portal.org/smash/record.jsf?pid=diva2%3A1092923&dswid=-7744

After falling under the power of the Russian Crown, the Northern Black Sea steppe from the end of eighteenth century crystallized as the Russian government’s prime venue for socioeconomic and sociocultural reinvention and colonization. Vast ethnic, sociocultural and even ecological changes followed.  Present study is preoccupied with the marriage of the immigrant population from the German lands who came to the region in the course of its state orchestrated colonization, and was officially categorized as “German colonists.” The book illuminates the multiple ways in which marriage and household formation among the colonists was instrumentalized by the imperial politics in the Northern Black Sea steppe, and conditioned by socioeconomic rationality of its colonization. Marriage formation and dissolution among the colonists were gradually absorbed into the competencies of the colonial vertical power. Intending to control colonist marriage and household formation through the introduced marriage regime, the Russian government and its regional representatives lacked the actual means to exert this control at the local level. On the ground, however, imperial politics was mediated by the people it targeted, and by the functionaries tasked with its implementation. As the study reveals, the paramount importance was given to functional households and sustainable farms based on non-conflictual relations between parties. Situated on the crossroads of state, church, community, and personal interests, colonist marriage engendered clashes between secular and ecclesiastical bodies over the supremacy over it. The interplay of colonization as politics, and colonization as an imperial situation with respect to the marriage of the German colonists is explored in this book by concentrating on both norms and practices. Another important consideration is the ways gender and colonization constructed and determined one another reciprocally, both in legal norms and in actual practices. Secret divorces and unauthorized marriages, open and hidden defiance, imitations and unruliness, refashioning of rituals and discourses, and desertions – a number of strategies and performances which challenged and negotiated the marriage regime in the region, were scholarly examined for the first time in this book.

A History of World Egyptology is a ground-breaking reference work that traces the study of ancient Egypt. Spanning 150 years and global in purview, it enlarges our understanding of how and why people have looked, and continue to look, into humankind's distant past through the lens of the enduring allure of ancient Egypt. Written by an international team of scholars, the volume investigates how territories around the world have engaged with and have been inspired by Egyptology, and how that engagement has evolved over time. Each chapter presents a specific territory from an institutional and national perspective, while examining a range of transnational links as well. The volume thus touches on multiple strands of scholarship, embracing not only Egyptology, but also social history, the history of science and reception studies. It will appeal to amateurs and professionals alike.

Der Briefwechsel Elisabeths zu Wied (Carmen Sylva) mit ihrem Gemahl Carol I. von Rumänien aus dem Rumänischen Nationalarchiv in Bukarest. 1869-1913. Historisch-kritische Ausgabe. Herausgegeben, kommentiert und eingeleitet von Silvia Irina Zimmermann.
[Schriftenreihe der Forschungsstelle Carmen Sylva - Fürstlich Wiedisches Archiv, Band 6 und 7], 2 Teilbände, Stuttgart: ibidem-Verlag, 2018, ISBN Set Teil 1 und Teil 2: 978-3-8382-1221-0.

Teilband 2: 1891-1913. Exil der Königin. Rückkehr auf den rumänischen Thron.
Schriftenreihe FSCSFWA Band 7] 458 Seiten, 21 schwarz-weiße und 4 farbige Abbildungen. ISBN 978-3-8382-1220-3.

http://www.carmensylva-fwa.de/publ/fscsfwa07.html

This essay discusses the Nazi regime’s propagandistic appropriation of the German euphoria for Native Americans, or "Indianthusiasm," as it has been termed by Hartmut Lutz. It will argue that the development of nationalism in nineteenth-century Germany and its increasingly aggressive stance laid the groundwork for national socialist propaganda, and that Indianthusiasm accompanied both. Indian imagery served to develop a German national identity and it became a useful device for the Nazis to convey national pride to the populace. The Nazis’ perception of Native Americans and the representation of Indian imagery in Nazi-controlled media cashed in on the tradition of German Indianthusiasm which interwove Romantic notions, cultural despair, and conservative nationalism during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

Der Skandal um Fürst Eulenburg, den besten Freund und zeitweise wichtigsten Berater Kaiser Wilhelms II., erschütterte seit 1906 die Monarchie. Anhand zahlreicher Quellen, darunter rund 5000 Presseartikel, geht Norman Domeier dem Skandal nach und liefert eine Kulturgeschichte der Politik im Kaiserreich. Er zeigt, dass es weniger um die Homosexualität des Fürsten ging: Der Eulenburg- Skandal war vor allem die Initialzündung für eine moderne, kritische Öffentlichkeit in Deutschland. Gleichzeitig aber bot er Gelegenheit, den kommenden Weltkrieg nicht nur politisch, militärisch und ökonomisch, sondern auch moralisch zu rechtfertigen.

Nikolas Dörr, 165 Jahre Einschränkung der Kinderarbeit in Preußen. Ein Beitrag zum Beginn der Sozialgesetzgebung in Deutschland, in: MenschenRechtsMagazin (hrsg. vom Menschenrechtszentrum der Universität Potsdam), 9. Jahrgang, Nr. 2/2004, S. 141–151.

A German Immigrant's Tale-The Huning-Fergusson Family Correspondence By Tina Boyer Researchers and historians have pointed to a remarkable era surrounding German immigrant Franz Huning from Albuquerque, New Mexico. He and his relatives played an important role in the ...

Um 1900 formten sich Züge der modernen Massenkultur aus, die bis in die Gegenwart wirken. Die neue Populärkultur war Abschluss und Neuformierung wesentlicher Trends aus dem letzten Drittel des 19. Jahrhunderts. Unwiderruflich wurden Schönheit und Kunst zum Lebenselement der Massen; zugleich stigmatisierte man die populären Künste als "Schund". Der Verknüpfung beider Erfahrungen verdankt sich die Ambivalenz, mit der wir bis heute dem Populären entgegentreten.

Recent scholarship has contributed to the production of an intricate and complicated picture of theology and Wissenschaft during Germany's long nineteenth century. Yet an area that remains underresearched is the understanding of theological Wissenschaft among theologians who objected to the accommodating approaches represented by figures such as Baur and the Tübingen School, Ritschl and the Ritschlean School, or the various mediating theologians such as Philipp Marheineke or Karl Rudolph Hagenbach. More specifically, scant attention has been given to the nineteenth-century confessional Neo-Lutheran revival (Neulutherthum). The essay addresses this lacuna in nineteenth-century German scholarship by examining the critical response to academic theological Wissenschaft by August Christian Friedrich Vilmar (1800–1868).

In diesem Artikel wird der Wanderhandel als Ausdruck gesellschaftlicher Konflikte des 19. Jahrhunderts am Beispiel des oberlausitzer Grenzraums beleuchtet. Die Modernisierungsprozesse des 19. Jahrhunderts hielten auch und gerade für die historisch gewachsenen Strukturen der Oberlausitz enorme Wandlungsprozesse mit großem Konfliktpotenzial bereit: Die Zentralisierung staatlicher Macht und der Aufbau eines bürokratischen Verwaltungsapparates, die Durchsetzung kapitalistischer Wirtschaftsweisen und die nationale Homogenisierung vermöge des Staatsbürgerschaftkonzeptes drangen bis in die letzten Refugien alter Ordnungen vor. Diese Transformationen spiegeln sich in vielerlei Hinsicht im Phänomen des Wanderhandels, „hinter dem sich ein Widerstreit politischer, konfessioneller und wirtschaftlicher Interessen birgt.“  In den folgenden Überlegungen wird dieser Tatsache Rechnung getragen, indem unterschiedliche Akteursgruppen, Problemwahrnehmungen und Lösungsstrategien beleuchtet werden. Im Mittelpunkt der Betrachtung steht ein soziales Konfliktfeld, das sich zwischen dem staatlichen Wunsch nach Regulierung, dem wissenschaftlichen Versuch der Kategorisierung und dem Eigenwillen der ökonomischen und mobilen Akteure aufspannt.

This paper sketches the development of a Baptist congregation in a North German industrial town during the first five decades of its history. The text will appear soon in a Festschrift on the occasion of the 150th anniversary of Baptist congregational life in Altona which is now part of the Hamburg municipality.

Wilhelm Stieber greatly advanced intelligence and counterintelligence.  His ideas paved the way for secret police forces and intelligence agencies for the future.  He not only managed intelligence services but undertook dangerous work himself as an operative.

Despite the dramatic effect of the railway age on the natural surroundings, it was not seen necessarily as destructive to nature. Railways were both the epitome of progress as well as integral features in pastoral landscapes. This seemingly paradoxical perception of railways is partially explained by historicising the "naturalisation" of the German train system. This article describes the rapid transformation of the German train from a symbol of dynamic industrialisation to an integral part of the landscape. Visual images, such as lithographs and postcards, were the catalysts in this process. Railway companies, local elites and travel guide publishers promoted the process of "naturalisation" for economic reasons, but the iconography was a result of visual discourse in nineteenth-century German culture. This paper shows that unlike American, British and French depictions of railways, German artists portrayed a railway system, which rather than conquering nature, was blending peacefully into an existing natural landscape.

The Franco-German War of 1870/71 led Germany to unification. The decisions on how the newborn nation was going to define itself were crucial for the social and legal status, that the Jews should hold in it. The German Jewry placed vast hopes in the unification. They expected to be finally recognized as equal citizens. Unity, Right and Freedom – the goals of war, put forward over and over again by the German public, could equally be read as the aims that the Jews hoped to achieve in the future German Empire. Moreover, the war seemed to be an opportunity to refute one of the chief arguments voiced by opponents of emancipation. Those adversaries of emancipation called into question that the Jews, waiting for their return to Palestine, would regard Germany as their fatherland. Thus – they concluded – as there could be no trust in the willingness of the Jews to fulfil their civic duties, and especially to defend Germany in case of war, civic rights could not be given to them either.
Unanimously, the German Jews – orthodox and reformists alike – favoured the Jewish participation of the war. Numerous Jews enthusiastically contributed to patriotic mani¬fes¬tations of all kinds. But the profession of patriotism led to a conflict: Fighting against France, they had to fight against the first nation which had emancipated the Jews and the example of which served to underline most of the German Jews were claiming for in Germany. Thus, the French Jews, but also those of other countries, blamed their German co-religionists to do harm to their own goals. These reproaches were intensified when, with the plan of the annexation of Alsace-Lorraine, the war ceased to be a merely defensive one. The Alsatian Jews, i.e. over the half of the French Jewry, feared that their social and legal status would worsen. Many of them emigrated to France or to the United States. Until the Franco-German War, German and French Jews had fostered a good relationship, that now was highly strained. Both sides deplored this, as international solidarity in Diaspora was a vital part of the Jewish identity.
Jewish authors were not always successful in bringing into accord their patriotic enthusiasm with their recognition of the merits that France had gained in the process of emancipation. Often they joined in the rhetoric of the general public. But nevertheless, Jewish commentators frequently named the dangers of war and nationalism more clearly than their compatriots. It is characteristic how often and how unanimously orthodox and reformers alike tried to put forward their own opinion in opposition to the prevalent discourse, and how often they propagated either a German-Jewish, a Jewish, or a cosmopolitan mission for peace and freedom.
Major sources are Jewish newspapers, rabbinical sermons and private correspondence of Jewish soldiers.

Eigene Visualisierung der Figurations-, Interdependenz- oder Prozeßtheorie des deutsch-niederländischen Soziologen Norbert Elias (1897-1990) als theoretisches Modell für künftige historiographische Forschungen zum Thema "Historische Adelsdevianz".

1. Die Rezeption der Französischen Revolution in den deutschen Staaten; 2. Deutsche Intellektuelle und der Ausbruch der Französischen Revolution; 3. Über das revolutionäre Demokratieverständnis während der „Grande Terreur“; 4. Deutsche Kritik an der Französischen Revolution; 5. Friedrich Schillers Rezeption der Ereignisse in Frankreich; 6. Die verschiedenen Einstellungen deutscher Intellektueller gegenüber der Revolution; 7. Christoph Martin Wieland über grundsätzlichen Unterschiede zu Frankreich; 8. Georg Forster und die Mainzer Republik; 9. Charakterisierung deutscher Intellektueller im Zuge der „Grande Terreur“; 10. Goethe und die Französische Revolution; 11. Zusammenfassung.

The trajectories of German nationalism in the late nineteenth century were deeply affected by the process of globalization. While the literature on the subject has largely remained within the confines of a national history paradigm, this article uses the example of mobility and migration to show to what extent German nationalism was transformed under the auspices of global integration. Among the effects of cross-border circulation were the emergence of diasporic nationalism, the racialization of the nation, the implementation of new border regimes, and the hegemony of ideological templates that articulated nationalist discourse through global geopolitics. This article is intended as a contribution to a 'spatial turn' in the historiography of nationalism, in arguing that not only the 'nation form' but also the way that the nation was defined, understood, and practised – the particular contents of nationalism – owed more to the global context in which it was constituted than is usually recognized.

Meine auf H-Soz-u-Kult veröffentlichte Rezension zu dem umstrittenen Buch von Hedwig Richter "Demokratie. Eine deutsche Affäre" (München 2020) musste leider stark gekürzt werden, wodurch viele Belege und Verweise auf Fehler im Buch herausfielen.
Für Interessierte hier die ursprüngliche, vollständige Fassung.

The National Archive in Bucharest keep large number of letters of the first royal couple of Romania, King Charles I st (1839-1914) and Queen Elisabeth (1843-1916), also known under her pen-name Carmen Sylva. Both being descendants of German noble families, they wrote to each other in their native language and in the old German handwriting. The complete letters have been recently published in a German scientific edition in two volumes. The correspondence of the royal couple contains letters from almost every year of the marriage of the couple, starting from the letters of Princess Elisabeth of Wied during the engagement period in October and November 1869 and until the last letter from 1913, during the Second Balkan War, written on the typewriter by Queen Elisabeth. This article describes the content of the German edition of the correspondence of the first King and Queen of Romania.

Im 19. Jahrhundert standen die fürstlichen Höfe unter einem erhöhten Legitimationsdruck. Die Französische Revolution schien das höfische Zeichensystem entwertet und entzaubert zu haben. Nicht nur in den linksrheinischen Gebieten Deutschlands wurden Adelsprivilegien beseitigt. Die heterogene Schicht des Adels – Hochadel (Aristokratie), Standesherren, Grafen, niederer Adel – war auf der Suche nach einem neuen Adelsethos, um sich neu zu konstituieren und weiterhin die kulturelle Hegemonie beanspruchen zu können. Der Adel durchlebte ein »langwieriges, komplexes Wechselspiel von Funktionsverlusten und strukturbedingter Anpassung einerseits, von Selbstbehauptung und Identitätsentwicklung andererseits« (Heinz Reif). Im Mittelpunkt dieser Entwicklung stand der fürstliche Hof. Denn ständische Ungleichheit war die Grundlage des sozialen Systems »Hof«, fürstliche Herrschaft ohne das höfische Gunstsystem undenkbar – und umgekehrt. War die kleinstaatliche Monarchie gefährdet, war die Daseinsberechtigung des Fürstenhofs und der sie tragenden Adelsformation in Frage gestellt. Deshalb suchten nicht nur die Fürsten, sondern auch die Chefs der Hofverwaltungen und die Hofchargen selbst Antworten auf die Legitimationskrise der Höfe. Formen, Ziele, Medien und Adressaten höfischer Repräsentation, das heißt die Selbstdarstellung der fürstlichen Familie und ihres Hofs, sollten an sich wandelnde gesellschaftliche Erwartungshaltungen angepaßt werden. Dieser Aufsatz verfolgt diese mitunter konfligierenden Formen der Legitimationssuche am Beispiel des Weimarer Hofs zwischen 1815 und 1860.
Das Weimarer Großherzogspaar stellte den Weimarer Hof als Institution dar, die jahrhundertelange Kontinuität in einer Zeit rasanten Wandels verkörperte. Zudem verliehen sie und die oberen Hofchargen dem Hof neue Attraktivität bei den bürgerlich-adligen Funktionseliten und dem neueren Wirtschaftsbürgertum, ohne seine hierarchische, geburtsständisch geprägte Struktur aufzugeben. Gleichzeitig verdeutlichten sie den aufstrebenden gesellschaftlichen Kräften, daß sich der Hof den Herausforderungen der Epoche stellte oder gar zum Motor neuer Entwicklungen werden konnte – beispielsweise des Eisenbahnbaus und der beginnenden Industrialisierung. Der Weimarer Hof ist dabei  mehr als ein pars pro toto der kleinstaatlichen Sinnsuche. Denn die bereits vor 1800 einsetzende Selbstvermarktung und -stilisierung Weimars zum »Athen Deutschlands« bot den fürstlichen Nachlaßverwaltern ein besonderes Kapital. Die jüngsten Leistungen von Hof und Dynastie sollten im Spiegel des ›Goldenen Alters‹ zumindest versilbert werden. Gleichzeitig verlieh vor allem Goethes schon zu Lebzeiten kultivierter Ruhm den Ambitionen der großherzoglichen Familie eine besondere Fallhöhe.

In the writings of Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900) on the subject of women, we are confronted with a number of apparent paradoxes and contradictions. On the one hand, for example, Nietzsche attacked the conspiracy of silence that kept young women ignorant about sex, and yet on the other aligned himself with the conservative view that women should be kept in cloistered domesticity. He often wrote of ‘woman’ (in the singular) as subordinate to men in general, and yet left open the possibility of a “perfect woman” who is a “higher type” than the perfect man (HH §7, Aph. 377, p.150, Hollingdale trans.), and employed woman as a symbol of life, truth, and humanity.

The purpose of this essay is to outline Nietzsche’s discussion of women, to address some of the apparent contradictions in this discussion, and to explore the significance of those segments in the text that resist simple explanation.

I broadly conclude that Nietzsche’s musings on women (once we get past his status as a great iconoclast) are largely the work of a lonely, bombastic crank, with a pathetically limited direct knowledge of either women or intimate relationships. (I do not dwell on his fraught relationships with Cosima Wagner or Lou Salomé but the biographies all paint much the same picture). The fact that he had clearly spent so much time thinking about ‘the woman problem’ makes his work on this topic all the more pathetic. It is a striking example of the philosopher’s vice of mistaking the idiosyncrasies of one’s own limited worldview for universal truths.

In 1877, the African American musical ensemble known as the Fisk Jubilee Singers traveled to Germany to raise money for their university.  The choir’s ten-month tour provided German listeners with one of their first significant and sustained encounters with African Americans and African American culture in the nineteenth century. As listeners throughout Germany heard the ensemble perform, they began to debate the Fisk Jubilee Singers’ musical, cultural, and ethnic origins. At the heart of their growing ethnomusicological and anthropological interest in the Jubilee Singers’ music lied the question of whether or not African Americans were fulfilling the powerful promise of the civilizing mission: were they proof that people of the black diaspora were capable of accepting “Western” art music and cultural values? This article illustrates how African American music contributed to global conversations on the civilizing mission in the nineteenth century.

ABSTRACT in English (résumé en français ci-après):
This article (as all my other articles on Clausewitz) isn’t a discussion “around” the thoughts of Clausewitz, which would be first based on Clausewitz – an attractive name! – in order to speak thereafter in a prospective manner, as we see quite often. My article is an analysis focussed on what Clausewitz actually wrote in his lectures on the “kleinen Krieg” [I would say here “small war” to be short, even if I don’t like this translation]. The aim is, first, making a synthesis of the thoughts of Clausewitz on the relations between the “kleinen Krieg” and insurrectional wars; and, second, explaining the context of that days which underlain his thoughts, in order to better understand them: the context related to 1) the wars on which Clausewitz bases his speech, 2) the military culture of the officers of that days (and also the military culture of Clausewitz) and 3) the reflection of his time on the “kleinen Krieg” and on insurrectional wars.

Indeed, Prussia's military defeats in 1806 led in this country to a reflection on national defence, on the question of armed citizens, and on the “petite guerre” as the appropriate tactic for popular uprisings. The lecture upon the “petite guerre” that Clausewitz delivered at the War College in Berlin between 1810 and 1812 is part of this framework. Moreover, the Revolutionary War, which was an insurrection against the British homeland, is one of the examples Clausewitz did choose to feed his thinking, just like the Wars of the Vendée and the Tyrolean events during the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars – which were other uprisings with insurrectional characteristics. In his lecture, Clausewitz doesn’t distinguish between the two words and the two realities of “petite guerre” and “guerrilla warfare”; however, he shows from time to time the particularities of the civil wars and of the wars with armed citizens. Our article studies the lecture on the “petite guerre” from Clausewitz with a new point of view, in order to point out the parts which are related to the popular wars and to the insurrections; indeed, as Raymond Aron expresses it, the thinking of Clausewitz has been built on watching how the extreme violence of passions could not be separated from people's wars.

RESUME en français :
Cet article (comme tous mes autres articles sur Clausewitz) n’est pas une discussion « autour » de la pensée de Clausewitz, qui partirait de Clausewitz – un nom porteur ! – pour parler de façon prospective, comme on le voit souvent. C’est une analyse centrée exclusivement sur ce que Clausewitz a écrit dans son "Cours sur la petite guerre". L’objectif est, premièrement, de saisir et de synthétiser la pensée de Clausewitz sur les rapports entre petite guerre et guerre insurrectionnelle ; et, deuxièmement, d’expliciter le contexte de l’époque qui a nourri cette réflexion, pour mieux la comprendre : le contexte concernant 1) les guerres sur lesquelles Clausewitz appuie son discours, 2) la culture militaire des officiers de ce temps (donc la sienne) et 3) la réflexion de son temps sur la petite guerre et la guerre insurrectionnelle.

Les défaites subies en 1806 engendrèrent en effet, en Prusse, une réflexion sur la défense nationale, sur l’armement du peuple, et sur la petite guerre comme tactique du peuple soulevé. Le « Cours sur la petite guerre » donné par Clausewitz à l’École supérieure de guerre de Berlin, entre 1810 et 1812, s’inscrit entres autres dans le fil de cette impulsion. Au reste, la guerre d’Indépendance américaine, insurrection contre la métropole anglaise, est au nombre des exemples choisis par Clausewitz pour alimenter sa réflexion, comme les guerres de Vendée et les épisodes tyroliens de la Révolution et de l’Empire, autres soulèvements à caractère insurrectionnel. Si Clausewitz n’opère pas pour ses auditeurs la distinction entre « petite guerre » et « guérilla », il pointe de temps à autre les particularismes des guerres civiles et des contextes guerriers avec armement du peuple. Cet article revisite le Cours sur la petite guerre de Clausewitz pour y relever la part redevable aux guerres populaires et aux insurrections, si tant est que, comme l’exprime Raymond Aron, la pensée de Clausewitz sur la guerre s’est construite en considérant le déchaînement des passions inhérent aux guerres populaires.

"Märtyrer des Glaubens" und "Sturmvögel der Revolution" - das Polenbild des deutschen Katholizismus im Vormärz war durchaus ambivalent. Verschiedene, teilweise miteinander konkurrierende Faktoren strukturierten einen Diskurs, der nach spezifisch katholischen Regeln ablief und sich deutlich vom liberalen Polendiskurs unterschied, der bislang im Zentrum der Forschung zum deutsch-polnischen Verhältnis im 19. Jahrhundert stand. Die vorliegende Arbeit dagegen geht davon aus, dass die konfessionelle Identität im 19. Jahrhundert für Selbst-, Fremd- und Weltbilder und damit auch für das deutsche Verhältnis zu Polen eine zentrale Rolle gespielt hat. Sie wendet sich einer Gruppe zu, die in der deutsch-polnischen Beziehungs- und Wahrnehmungsgeschichte bislang vernachlässigt wurde: dem deutschen Katholizismus. Der Zeitraum der Untersuchung von 1830 bis 1849 war nicht nur eine Periode, in welcher der deutsche Polendiskurs auf lange Sicht hin geprägt wurde, sondern auch die Konstituierungsphase des modernen Katholizismus als Sozialform in Deutschland. In der Auseinandersetzung mit Polen, im Widerstreit von konfessioneller Solidarität und antirevolutionärer Abgrenzung, wird die Selbstverständigung einer konfessionellen Gruppe deutlich, die sich in einer Form des "innerkatholischen Kulturkampfes" auszubilden begann. Die Arbeit bietet damit nicht nur eine konfessionelle Differenzierung des deutschen Polendiskurses, sondern gibt auch einen neuen Einblick in die Identitätsbildung des modernen deutschen Katholizismus.

This paper explores the environmental and socio-cultural effects of tourism in the Rhineland during the decades after German unification.  As one of Europe’s classic destinations for romantic nature travel, the Middle Rhine Gorge stretching from Bonn to Mainz offers an iconic example of how industrialized technologies of leisure, particularly steam transportation and mass-produced guidebooks, helped to transform nature from a site of bourgeois privilege into an increasingly democratic terrain of mass recreation.  Drawing on the work of Walter Benjamin, David Nye, and Wolfgang Schivelbusch, the paper explores the social anxieties unleashed by this “mechanical reproduction of nature,” which tended to create elitist hierarchies of nature appreciation based on a cultural distinction between an ideal male traveler and a feminized, superficial “tourist.”  Such elitism tended to ignore the broader ecological effects of industrialization in the Rhine-Ruhr basin and misrepresented local tourists’ complex engagement with the “popular sublime.”

Wilhelm Dörpfeld (1853-1940) was during his lifetime, and is still today, considered one of the greatest classical archaeologists of all time. His contribution to the present understanding of the Acropolis of Athens consists mainly of three theories on architecture and objects attacked by the Persians in 480 BCE: the Archaios Neos, the Older Parthenon, and the Perserschutt. Despite some controversy, these theories have over the years become paradigmatic. The present article aims to explain the general acceptance of the paradigm of Persian destruction and seeks reasons in Dörpfeld’s prevailing esteem as a meticulous scientist and in the philhellenic narrative of Greek rebirth which the paradigm rendered tangible.

For ordering information, please visit: http://www.babesch.org/subscriptions.html

The period from 1882 to 1914 has been termed the “Golden Age” of Egyptology. Under Adolf Erman, the successor of Carl Richard Lepsius, one of Egyptology’s “founding fathers,” who had died in 1884, Egyptology  experienced the inauguration of the Ancient Egyptian Dictionary Project in 1897 and the founding of the German Oriental Society in 1898. Erman’s successful effort to send Ludwig Borchardt to Egypt in 1895 was the prelude to a permanent presence of German Egyptology in Egypt. The implementation in 1898 of an international project to create
the Catalogue Général (CG) was followed by Borchardt’s appointment as scholarly attaché at the German Consulate General in Cairo in 1899, the construction of “German House” in Western Thebes in 1904, the establishment of the Imperial German Institute in Cairo between 1906 and 1907, and the initiation of a program of excavations and research in Egypt. In 1912 the painted bust of Queen Nefertiti was discovered. During the same decades, the Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde (ZÄS), under Erman’s editorship, remained the single most prestigious journal for matters Egyptological. The far-reaching and
long-term influence of the “École de Berlin” (Berlin School), headed by Adolf Erman, is a hallmark of the era.