Austria (European History)

Clausewitz è celeberrimo per la sua opera Vom Kriege (Della Guerra), unanimemente considerato uno dei classici imprescindibili dell'arte militare, ma pochi sanno che il Vom Kriege raccoglie solo i primi tre volumi dei lavori incompiuti del generale prussiano (Hinterlassene Werke über Krieg und Kriegführung), gli altri, secondo il principio, caro all'autore, che gli historische Beispiele machen Alles klar (gli esempi storici rendono tutto chiaro), essendone il complemento ed il sussidio. Infatti, nei volumi successivi, il riferimento corre continuamente alle enunciazioni dei primi tre volumi, per dimostrarne la validità e discutere i rischi della mancata applicazione dei princìpi, talvolta per emendarli, migliorarli ed adattarli alle situazioni specifiche, senza in ogni caso mai discostarsene. Questa opera, il primo dei restanti volumi, il quarto in generale, dunque non è solo il resoconto talvolta impietoso degli accadimenti militari e politici, ma una dettagliata ed acuta analisi dei processi decisionali e delle opzioni tattiche, degli errori e delle scelte corrette di entrambi i contendenti della prima Campagna d'Italia (1796-97). È anche un riconoscimento, spesso intriso di spunti polemici e malcelato odio, delle capacità del giovane generale Bonaparte, che al suo primo comando indipendente, trasformò un esercito di straccioni, indisciplinati e demotivati, privi di vestiario, vettovaglie e armamento, in un formidabile strumento di guerra, che non solo inflisse continue e ripetute sconfitte a due eserciti alleati, ma impose trattati di pace - qui riprodotti - con pesanti condizioni in termini economici, politici e territoriali a tutti gli altri stati italiani, cancellandone persino uno dalla mappa geografica. Nomi come Montenotte, Millesimo, Dego, Lodi, Lonato, Castiglione, Rovereto, Bassano, La Favorita, San Giorgio, Arcole, Rivoli, Mantova, non furono altro che le principali tappe di una delle campagne più decisive della storia e sancirono il mito di Napoleone come generale abilissimo, fortunato ed invincibile e l'inizio della sua parabola stupefacente, mossa da un'ambizione senza più limiti che portò guerra e distruzione, ma anche il fuoco inestinguibile dei valori rivoluzionari, in tutta l'Europa nel corso dei successivi vent'anni. In appendice, ad opera del curatore, una esaustiva cronologia, dieci ordini di battaglia, un dizionario dei principali protagonisti della campagna, una raccolta di trattati e armistizi, una corposa bibliografia.

Each monument somehow represents a bit of interpretation of the historical reality - it is a testimony to the past. The submitted book will describe four groups of memorials representing four different battlefields in Bohemia and Moravia.As if the stories that had stood at the beginning of the memorial's needs were loosing their authenticity becoming vacant. However, it is not absolute. New stories and traditions are emerging. annual gathering at uniformed events with fighting demonstrations, refreshment and social presentations co-create new stories, new memory of the battles and the war events. Though peculiar, it is a way of reception and "usage" of the memorial, which modifies its second life just like the political re-establishments of changes. This is because the second life is not ending; as long as the memorial is standing, the people look at it, think and try to "read" it correctly. If they are trying to understand it.

Panslavism was a movement based on the conviction that all speakers of Slavic languages belong to a single nation. This was a starting point for the activities that aimed to bring Slav cultures and languages closer and for the development of Panslav nationalism, a movement that wanted to establish a unified Slav state or a Slav federation.

The interest on the relations between Naples and Vienna in the context of
the historiography of the Southern Italy was not fortunate: on the Austrian vice-kingdom
had an impact the judgment on the excessive fiscalism and the lack of capacity
to carry out renewing projects; on the age of Maria Carolina, the role of the queen in
the repression of revolutionary movements. For these two epochs, studies have been
long concentrated on reformist currents. The last two decades have seen an increase
in interest in interdisciplinary themes related to culture, art, music and theatre

Decades of political backroom deals of a small political cast has resulted in a political system vulnerable to abuse of office, a weak legal system as well as a very frail anti-corruption framework. Numerous corruption scandals, including dubious privatisation deals at Austrian Telekom, BUWOG, police radio etc.,scandals at Vienna airport, bank Hypo Alpe Adria and Kurier, as well as the conviction of Mr Strasser, a former minister, on corruption charges, are compounded by strong criticism from GRECO, the Council of Europe's anti-corruption committee.

PUBLISHER'S DESCRIPTION:

"On March 12, 1938, German troops marched into Austria as Adolf Hitler prepared to annex the country. Austrian Chancellor Kurt von Schuschnigg, who had opposed the Nazi take-over of his homeland, was placed under house arrest and subsequently sent with his wife to Sachsenhausen concentration camp.
This is the gripping story of von Schuschnigg and his family as told by his son, who came of age during these dramatic events. His memoir is a tribute to the faith, hope and perseverance of his family and the many people who took great risks in order to help them survive Nazi rule and the Second World War.

The story begins with the junior von Schuschnigg's boyhood and his father's efforts to maintain Austrian independence during the rise of Nazism in Germany, Fascism in Italy, and political unrest in Austria. After the Anschluss, von Schuschnigg's son was allowed to finish his education in Germany, where in order to avoid being drafted into the German army, he went to the naval academy. He ended up on a warship of the Third Reich, serving the regime that held his family captive.

Von Schuschnigg recounts his many harrowing escapes, first as a young naval officer and later as a deserter on the run. At every turn, he is helped not only by his own wits but also by the mysterious working of Providence, which sometimes manifests itself in surprising acts of goodness by others."

In the accounts of life in Austria-Hungary at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century, one reads about a world dominated by nations and nationalism. Both contemporaries and historians describe a nationality conflict in which politics, economy, literature, music, journalism, sports, and science were all placed in the “service of the nation.” According to Helmut Rumpler, it was a time when even the once-powerful state and its bureaucracy were forced to withdraw in the face of different nationalisms. Primary sources often paint a similar picture: A German from Celje/Cilli, Fritz Zangger, claims that in his home town even “the God of Germans and of Slovenes had nothing in common.” Contemporary newspapers described incessant nationalist conflicts between Czechs and Germans, Germans and Slovenes, Slovenes and Italians, or Croats and Hungarians. Minutes of parliamentary sessions tell us about obstructionism carried out by nationalist parties, and in the War Ministry the “Disciplinary Measures to Prevent National Endeavours from Invading” [the Military] (Massregeln zur Verhütung des Eindringens nationaler Bestrebungen) grew longer every year. Therefore, it is no surprise that descriptions of a different reality in which nationalism had hardly played a role, like those of the novelist Joseph Roth, were often dismissed as figments of a nostalgic imagination or depictions of a vanishing world.

In many European countries are being held constitutional debates. The search for a broader form of participation of all social forces with a new, so-called governance, the struggle for autonomy, regionalism and federalism, they all have different organizational models, but all follow - each in its way - a common goal: citizens want to be able to identify with their community better, they want to find – in an increasing globalized world - a new identity and the ability to participate, at the regional level, on the decision making process, or - to illustrate it in an emotionally loaded term - find a new home.
Also in Italy are held debates on a constitutional reform for years. After the war the Italian Constitution has been inspired by a great democratic and social challenge. But the structure of the state is very centralized. There exist regions but their competences have always been poor in the past. The five special regions with an autonomous statute play a particular role - they enjoy far-reaching autonomies. They are exceptions in this system and have to struggle for their authority.  South Tyrol in particular had to fight a long time for its autonomy.
Since the early eighties Italy has worked hard on its system to improve the role of the regions. In 2001 the parliament succeeded in creating a constitutional reform. Its improvements are projected directly onto the special statutes. Further reforms are under way. The constitutional court takes up a rather centralized standpoint. Nevertheless, the new constitution has increased the autonomies in Italy. A lot of that has, however, not been achieved in South Tyrol's long-lasting struggle for autonomy. Italy is still a long way from being a federal state, but it has taken an important step in that direction. The beginnings of federalism in Italy have also improved the autonomy of the special regions and the autonomy of South Tyrol and Trentino.

Deutsche Zusammenfassung
Die Verf-Diskussionen um neue Forme n demokratischer Teilhabe, der lange Weg Italiens vom Zentralstaat zu zaghaften föderalen Ansätzen, die direkten Eingriffe in das formal unveränderte Autonomiestatut: In vielen Ländern Europas finden Verf-Diskussionen statt. Die Suche nach einer breiteren Form der Beteiligung aller gesellschaftlichen Kräfte mittels einer neuen, sogenannten Governance, das Ringen um Autonomie, um Regionalismus und Föderalismus, sie alle stellen unterschiedliche Organisationsmodelle dar. Sie verfolgen aber alle – jedes auf seine Art - ein gemeinsames Ziel: Die Bürger wollen sich mit ihrem Gemeinwesen besser identifizieren können, sie wollen in einer immer größeren, globalisierten Welt, eine neue Identität und Entfaltungsmöglichkeit auf regionaler Ebene finden, mitwirken und mitentscheiden können, oder  - um es mit einem gefühlsbeladenen Ausdruck zu verdeutlichen - eine neue Heimat finden.
Auch in Italien finden seit Jahrzehnten Debatten um eine Reform der Verf statt. Die italienische Verf ist von einem großen demokratischen und sozialen Auftrag beseelt. Der Staatsaufbau allerdings ist zentralistisch. Es sind Regionen vorgesehen. Diese hatten aber wenige Zuständigkeiten. Eine Sonderrolle nehmen die fünf Regionen mit Sonderstatut ein. Sie verfügen über weitreichende Autonomien. Sie sind Ausnahmen vom System und müssen um ihren Wirkungsbereich kämpfen. Besonders lange dauerte das Ringen um die Autonomie in Südtirol.
Seit Beginn der 80er Jahre bemüht sich Italien um mehr Föderalismus. Im Jahre 2001 gelang eine Verf-Reform. Diese projiziert die Besserstellungen auch in die Sonderstatute. Weitere Reformen sind im Gang. Der VfGH nimmt mit seinen Auslegungen eine eher zentralistische Haltung ein. Trotzdem hat die neue Verf-Ordnung für die Autonomien wesentliche Erweiterungen gebracht. In den schwierigen Verhandlungen um die Südtiroler Autonomie konnte vieles davon nicht erreicht werden. Italien ist zwar noch weit davon entfernt, ein Bundesstaat zu sein, hat aber einen wichtigen Schritt in diese Richtung gesetzt. Damit hat der föderalistische Ansatz, der sich in Italien durchsetzen konnte, auch die Autonomie der Sonderregionen und die Autonomie Südtirols und des Trentino wesentlich erweitert.
In seinem Buch „Südtirols Autonomie und die Verfassungsreformen Italiens“ analysiert Peterlini die Auswirkungen der Verfassungsreformen auf die Südtirol Autonomie und beschreibt die bisher ungeschriebenen, aber in der Tat erfolgten Änderungen am Südtiroler Autonomiestatut. Wenn wir heute das Büchlein „Das neue Autonomiestatut“ in die Hand nehmen, das das Landespresseamt herausgibt, ist der Inhalt zwar formal das Statut von 1972, entspricht aber nicht mehr der realen Autonomie – betonten die Redner bei der Buchvorstellung. Peterlini hat nun, wie mit einem Projektor die Verfassungsreform von 2001 und die Verfassungsurteile in das Statut hinein projiziert, die neuen Zuständigkeiten herauskristallisiert und ergänzt, genauso wie die neuen Verfahren für die Gesetzgebung des Südtiroler Landtages. Wer also das Autonomiestatut in seiner neuesten Fassung lesen will, auch das was nicht geschrieben steht, aber gültig ist, was praktisch hineinprojiziert  werden muss, findet im Buch Peterlinis die neueste Fassung der Autonomie, betonte Durnwalder.


Sintesi in Italiano
Il libro esamina il lungo cammino istituzionale e le riforme costituzionali in Italia e i loro riflessi sugli Statuti speciali e in particolare sull'autonomia dell'Alto Adige. Analizza le tappe più importanti dell’Italia da un assetto centralista verso un approccio con principi federali, gli effetti e le modifiche non scritte inserite di riflesso nello Statuto speciale del Trentino Alto Adige.
La Costituzione Italiana nell’enunciazione delle libertà fondamentali, dei diritti e doveri dei cittadini, nei rapporti etici - sociali, economici e politici e nella partecipazione agli organi istituzionali è ispirata da una grande missione democratica e sociale. Al contrario invece l’assetto istituzionale dello Stato come previsto dai Padri Costituenti nel 1948 aveva e ha bisogno di una modernizzazione per tenere il passo con gli Stati più avanzati. L’assetto era fortemente centralistico. Erano bensì previste le Regioni, però con poche attribuzioni e per lungo tempo non furono attuate.  Una posizione particolare rivestono le cinque Regioni a statuto speciale. Esse dispongono di un’ampia autonomia, ma rappresentano comunque un’eccezione all’interno del sistema e si trovano pertanto in una permanente situazione di conflitto con lo Stato centrale per la conservazione delle proprie competenze. Nel caso dell’Alto Adige/Südtirol questo conflitto è durato particolarmente a lungo.

Nel suo libro „Südtirols Autonomie und die Verfassungsreformen Italiens“ (L‘Autonomia dell‘Alto Adige e le riforme costituzionali in Italia) Peterlini illustra l'impatto delle riforme costituzionali sull'autonomia del Trentino Alto Adige e descrive le innovazioni nello Statuto, non ancora scritte, ma in realtà in vigore in base alle riforme costituzionali.0
“Se prendiamo in mano l’opuscolo “Il nuovo Statuto di autonomia”, edito dalla Provincia, troviamo che il contenuto rispecchia formalmente il testo dello Statuto del 1972, ma in verità non corrisponde all’autonomia reale” – sottolineò il Presidente Durnwalder. Peterlini pertanto irradiò come con un proiettore le innovazioni costituzionali e le sentenze della Corte nello Statuto, cristallizzando e aggiungendo le nuove competenze e procedure per la legislazione del Consiglio regionale e provinciale. Chi vuole leggere lo Statuto nella sua versione più attuale, anche quello che non è scritto ma è in vigore, trova nel libro di Peterlini lo Statuto in forma aggiornata, aggiunse Durnwalder.


Keywords:

Autonomie / Autonomiestatut / Föderalismus / Governance / Italien / Regionalismus / Regionen / Sonderstatut / Südtirol / Südtirol Paket / Trentino / Verf / Verfassungsreform / Zentralismus / Zuständigkeiten / Steuerföderalismus

Alto Adige / Autonomy / Autonomy Statute / Centralism / Competences / Constitution / Constitutional Reform / Federalism / Fiscal Federalism / Governance / Italy / Package for South Tyrol / Region / Regionalism / Special Statute / Special Autonomy / South-Tyrol / Trentino

Autonomia / Statuto di Autonomia / Statuto speciale / Federalismo / Governance / Italia / Regionalismo / Regionalismo / Statuto speciale Trentino Alto Adige / Alto Adige / Südtirol / Pacchetto / Trentino / Costituzione / Riforma costituzionale / Centralismo / Sussidiarietà / Federalismo fiscale

Auch ländliche Kleidung ist nicht einfach mit funktionalen Kriterien erklärbar, sondern kann als Element der Repräsentation gelesen werden. In diesem Beitrag soll versucht werden, anhand von Fotografien aus dem Nachlass eines Amateurfotografen Verbindungen und Verknüpfungen von „Tracht“ und politischen Konzeptionen zu beleuchten. Nachgegangen werden wird damit besonders den Funktionen von Kleidung als Ausdrucksform politischer Gesinnung auf der Folie der mehrfachen Veränderung des ideologischen  Mainstreams. Dabei soll nicht nur nach der prinzipiellen ständigen Veränderung des vermeintlich Unveränderten oder nach den massiven Einflüssen der nationalsozialistischen Konzeption von „Tracht“ im Nachkriegsösterreich gefragt werden, sondern beispielsweise auch nach ihrer Funktion zur Signalisierung von Zugehörigkeiten bzw. ihre Verwendung bei einer Verschiebung von Grenzen.

"TITLE: Saxon Army of the Austrian War of Succession and Seven Years War:
SUB-TITLE: Uniforms Organisation and Equipment
PUBLISHED: January 2012
AUTHOR: Dr Stephen Summerfield
PUBLISHER: Ken Trotman Publishing
ISBN No.: 978-1-907417-26-9

"This is the first detailed record of the uniforms, equipment, flags, horse furniture and campaign history for the Saxon Army 1740-63. Drawing from a multitude of sources, Stephen Summerfield has created the most complete study ever attempted, making this a valuable companion to his best selling volumes on the Austrian Army of the Seven Years War and his Saxon Artillery 1733-1827.

The Saxons enjoyed a fascinating but checkered career in the War of the Austrian Succession, disastrously changing sides from Prussia to Austria. Despite most of the army being captured in Pirna at the start of the Seven Years War (1756-63), the Saxons raised an Auxiliary Corps of 10,000 infantry that fought bravely under French pay and their magnificent light cavalry (Chevauleger and Ulan) that fought with the Austrians. As with his Austrian volumes, Stephen deals with the army unit by unit: Guard, Infantry, Grenadier, Cuirassier, Chevauleger, Dragoon, Hussar and Polish Ulan regiments including a record of their Colonels-in-Chief.

The work draws upon most of the major sources on Saxon uniforms of the Seven Years War. The 450+ colour illustrations include 215 of uniforms after Brauer, Knötel, Eichhorn, and Trache plus 66 flags/standards, 65 uniform/equipment details, 15 OOBs and 30 Tables.

In addition, this new volume provides a detailed study and plans of the advanced Saxon Geschwindstück [quick fire guns.]""

Although soundly defeated in the War of Austrian Succession by the brilliance of Frederick the Great and his Prussian Army, the army of Austria was the most significant of his opponents. Their campaign history has been expertly documented in recent times, but very little has been written on their uniforms. This new volume is a companion to the author’s AUSTRIAN SEVEN YEARS WAR INFANTRY AND ENGINEERS.

It documents the campaign history, uniforms, flags, horse furniture as well as a complete record of its Inhaber [colonel-in-chief] for each Austrian cavalry regiment, whether Cuirassier, Chevauleger, Dragoons, Grenz Hussars or Hussars. The work draws upon most of the major sources on Austrian uniforms of the Seven Years War including the contemporary works of Albertini, the Bautzen Manuscript and Raspe which influenced all later artists. The 340+ colour illustrations include 191 of uniforms after Albertini, Brauer, Donath, Knötel, Neucetz and Teuber-Wekersdorf plus 43 flags / standards, 102 uniform / equipment details, 10 line drawings from Die Österreichische Armee 1700-1867 by Ottenfeld & Teuber and 10 Tables.

In addition this new volume provides a detailed study of Austrian artillery pieces and organization for the period. The chapter is illustrated with 15 photos of extent guns tubes, 9 plans and 6 Tables. In addition there are 46 short biographies of generals and designers of the Liechtenstein artillery system with 12 portraits."

Tamara Scheer, Die Sprachenvielfalt in der österreichisch-ungarischen Armee während des Ersten Weltkriegs, in: Pallasch. Zeitschrift für Militärgeschichte 67 (Februar 2019), 125-135.
mit Dank an Hans Edelmaier für die Erlaubnis die Publikationsversion als pdf hochzuladen

This book (as second and extensively reworked edition of a research published for the first time in 1990) explores the cultural history in the the Adriatic (Austrian) littoral during 18th and 19th centuries. Created by the intersections of the Venetian, Habsburg and Ottoman Empires, and constituted by Trieste, Istria and Dalmatia, the Austrian littoral is invoked as a "key" to understanding the complicated past and present of the broader region known as the Balkans. The book focus on how the traces linguistic, cultural, and material, attached to this symbolic boundary are interpreted by social actors in different ways. Revised, expanded ed. Originally published: Gorizia : Istituto giuliano di storia cultura e documentazione, 1990. Includes bibliographical references and index.

In contrast to the East of Austria, its western part and especially the Genizat Tirolensia ist still widely unexplored. Until recently the Tyrolean libraries had never been checked systematically on Hebrew and Aramaic fragments of medieval Hebrew books and documents recovered from book bindings and notarial files and the 18 fragments of the University library are chance finds. However a systematically recording is promising: in less than a year eight new fragments have been found and identified. The establishment of Jews in North- and South Tyrol is documented since the 13th century. Among the new finds are unique Talmud fragments, a Haftarah exemplary, Halakhah commentaries from Ashkenazic, Sephardic and Italian provenance shedding new light on the spiritual life of the Jews of medieval Tyrol. Further findings are to be expected and it is obvious that the history of the Jews of this border region has to be rewritten and completed. In this paper we want to present the new findings and the material for a new cross-border project within the European network "Books within books: Hebrew Fragments in European Libraries".

Il biennio 1796-97 ricostruito come mai è stato tentato finora: al di fuori di qualunque visione di parte, come e perché la repubblica Serenissima è finita nell’occhio del ciclone dei grandi conflitti euro-mondiali. Verità certe e lezioni utili oggi per noi, che occupiamo la medesima posizione geografica e siamo eredi della sua vicenda millenaria.
Perché la geopolitica non è uno strano gioco di società bensì la strumento necessario per analizzare i fatti e compiere scelte consapevoli partendo dalla realtà geografica e storica. Esistono delle costanti di lungo periodo, infatti, indispensabili da conoscere per poter agire. Le stesse dominate dai grandi statisti veneziani dal Duecento al Quattrocento per costruire un impero e delle quali i discendenti nel Settecento, invece, sono rimasti vittime.

The period 1796-97 reconstructed as never before has been attempted: outside of any partisan vision, how and why the Serenissima republic ended up in the eye of the storm of the great Euro-world conflicts. Certain truths and useful lessons for us today, which occupy the same geographical position and are heirs to his thousand-year history.
Because geopolitics is not a strange game of society but the necessary tool to analyze the facts and make informed choices starting from the geographical and historical reality. There are long-term constants, in fact, indispensable to know in order to act. The same dominated by the great Venetian statesmen from the thirteenth to the fifteenth century to build an empire and of which the descendants in the eighteenth century, however, remained victims.

Since the 11th century, there existed contacts between the territory of Ostarrichi and Constantinople, the capital of the Byzantine Empire at the Bosporus. These relations were intensified during the period of the Crusades, especially because of the participation of members of the house of Babenberg in these endeavours in the Eastern Mediterranean. Two Babenberg dukes, Henry II Jasomirgott (in 1148) and Leopold VI (in 1203), even married princesses from the imperial houses of Byzantium and became important intermediators between West and East. These events also left their marks in the Greek and Armenian historiography of the time, where we encounter the first references to “Austria”. Besides warfare and diplomacy, also elements of artistic style and stories found their way from the “Orient” to the Danube; yet, one still has to notice the persistent tradition of legends (such as the origin of the popular song “Eia poppeia” in Byzantium) even in scholarly literature. These well-known stories do not have any basis in our sources, which on the contrary allow us to draft a more realistic and at the same time not less fascinating pictures of the relations between Ostarrichi and the Bosporus.

This study investigates the question why mainstream political parties are on a declining trajectory, and why right-wing populist parties have the ability to make inroads into the political process, having the capacity to displace or at least challenge the current center-left and center-right parties. Rather than looking merely at the level of the voters, or the public-relations strategy of charismatic right-wing party leaders, the analysis has focused on the historical evolution of government policies in the UK, Germany and Austria in migration, labor relations, the welfare state and the economy. This account largely sets aside post-materialist or de-democratization explanations for electoral volatility and change. The finding is that the collective decisions of current and past government officials had a great impact on their current and future viability in elections. Growing economic insecurity in the form of more unemployed and underemployed people, a smaller welfare state, and growing ethnic diversity via more immigration have created dissatisfaction and fear among the voting population, which the mainstream parties have never been able to resolve or mitigate, offering avenues for right-wing parties to fill the void.

This brief communication summarises the historical trajectory of the Austro-Hungarian Emperor Karl I of Habsburg-Lothringen (1887-1922). Karl I ascended the throne in the midst of the First World War when Europe was ablaze; despite being a social reformer who tried to save his countrymen from the massacre of war, ultimately he, his wife Empress Zita and the Habsburg monarchy were swept away by the massive defeat and collapse of the century-old empire. The paper also examines how Karl I died in in 1922 as a result of influenza and how his body was preserved, offering some insights from the field of mummy research.
https://pontecorbolipress.com/journals/index.php/he/contents

The figure of Dorotea Sofia has not yet been adequately submitted to the
attention of the researchers. She is been studied only about the Succession
to the Dukedom of his nephew Charles of Bourbon, and very little is known
about her role as Duchess during the preceding phase and above all her relationships with the Pfalz-Neuburg sisters, with which she created a female network of queens consort all over Europe. Morality, religiousness, politics of the magnificence, participation to the dramatisation of power, but also great attention to the preservation of the private spaces of the ducal family through a narrowing of its visibility and accesses: they were the principal fields in which Dorotea Sofia exerted her duchess role, collaborating to maintain an high prestige of the Farnese family, in a world in which the pa-ternalistic function was very strong. In her foreign relationships she tried to preserve the role of her birth family, moving from pro-austrian to pro-spanish positions.

So entscheidend das Attentat von Sarajevo für die Geschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts gewesen ist, so zufällig erscheint es im historischen Kontext wie in der erzähltheoretischen Analyse. Literarische und historiographische Werke widmen sich dem Ereignis gleichermaßen, das vor allem seit den 60er Jahren zusehends in entgegengesetzten Narrativen erstarrt, welche vorausweisen auf den jugoslawischen Zerfall. Literatur ist nicht weniger tendenziös; doch sie verweist implizit oder explizit in ihren spezifischen Erzählverfahren auf ihre eigene Konstruktion und Beschränktheit, mit der sie operiert. Damit eröffnet sie Möglichkeitsräume, welche auch der Geschichtsschreibung zugänglich gemacht werden.

Why does a literary critic get touchy whe,n an Austrian filmmaker  presents the story of Leo Pfeffer the judge investigating the  assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife in Sarajevo in 1914?

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ye86M3d4Y6o        Europas letzter Sommer  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pj_XAKfDYTU

Ernst Robert Curtius is well known as an advocate of European literature, which transcends national boundaries. Most importantly, he is recognized as a literary historian, who wrote European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages (Europäische Literatur und lateinisches Mittelalter, 1948). Nevertheless, Curtius published a lot of critical works during the inter-war years and after World War II. In order to consider the processes through which he developed a European spirit, I would like to focus on his literary critics concerning contemporary writers like Romain Rolland, André Gide, Hugo von Hofmannsthal, and José Ortega y Gasset. I pay particular attention to Curtius' network of friendships with these writers and try to reconsider the relation between his journalistic works and European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages.

Me këtë shkrim kam qëllim të kontribuoj në debatin mbi marrëdhëniet hegjemonike midis "qendrës" perëndimore europiane dhe "margjinave" juglindore europiane, duke i marrë në trajtim lidhjet midis traditave kuazi-antropologjike të krijuara dhe të sfiduara reciprokisht në projektet totalitare të komb-formimit dhe të formimit imperial. Aspekte të reja të një rezonance të vazhdueshme do të adresohen lidhur me traditat e instrumentalizuara politikisht të studimeve në gjuhë gjermane, Volkskunde dhe Völkerkunde, të trashëguara nga romantizmi herderian dhe ambiciet imperiale të shekullit të nëntëmbëdhjetë. Do të tregoj se traditat gjermane të njëpasnjëshme, si Volkskunde nacional-socialiste dhe Ethnographie komuniste gjermano-lindore, kanë operuar më tepër nga një traditë historiciste sesa nga një traditë kritike si vijim refleksiv ndaj Volkskunde-s së vjetruar. Në rrjedhën e diskutimit, vëmendje e veçantë i kushtohet kontekstualizimit historik e politik të prodhimtarisë së studimeve dhe dijeve nga kultura gjermane dhe austriake "perëndimore" mbi kulturën europiane-juglindore dhe shqiptare, e cila reduktohej në "traditat" arkaike paramoderne dhe mentalitetet e saj specifike ose prapanike.