Bosnia

Since the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement on December 14th in Paris 1995, the political but also general social scene of Bosnia and Herzegovina has been overwhelmed with the issues of reforms and changes in regard to the Constitutional settlement agreed in Dayton. The Bosnian-Herzegovinian everyday reality that the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina face with on a daily basis stands as an unquestionable witness to the necessity of the Constitution changes, which was adopted as an integral part of a Peace Agreement which only or most important goal was to "end the war". After the cessation of armed conflict, the large number of B&H administration, overlapping of competencies, inconsistency of internal structure (one part (entity) functions on the "republican model" while the other on the "federal"), and above all the reality of everyday life, as well as the challenges encountered by the citizens of B&H imposed as a necessity changes of the Constitu...

The admittance of individuals into a chivalric order was an important tool of late medieval diplomacy which contributed significantly to the reinforcement of political and cultural ties between the order’s leader and admitted member and between their respective social circles. Therefore, this paper analyses the presence of such chivalric orders in medieval Bosnia, with special emphasis placed on the Aragonese Order of the Stole and Jar through the prism of an alliance concluded between King Alfonso V of Aragon (r. 1416-1458) and Stjepan Vukčić (r. 1435- 1466), the Grand Duke of Bosnia who later became the Duke of St. Sava. The most of the individuals admitted to this Order were diplomats who visited Alfonso’s court in Naples. However, the privileges granted to Duke Stjepan Vukčić in 1444 constitute an exceptional case. According to a preserved document, he was granted the right to accept fifty new members and provide them with the insignia of the Order. The paper further contains an analysis and transcription of the text as well as a photographic reproduction of an authorized copy of this charter.

The book endeavours to show how research based on poststructuralist discourse analysis can yield analytically beneficial and methodologically sound insights. It largely delivers on these promises. Part I provides a lucid explanation of poststructuralist tenets, showing how Otherness drives policymaking as the backdrop against which identities constitute themselves. During the early 1990s, Western identity was so constituted as ‘civilized’ and ‘controlled’ in opposition to the ‘barbarian’ and ‘violent’ Balkans. The elegant presentation of poststructuralist tenets is welcome, given that such writings are often difficult to access for uninitiated readers.

The European Union (EU) has closely correlated different aspects of the peace process in Bosnia with progress towards European accession. The ‘power of attraction’ of EU membership would presumably induce the Bosnian authorities to accept the adaptation costs of political and economic transformation. However, the Europeanisation approach has not produced the expected results. The track record of the EU’s policies towards Bosnia represents a paradigmatic case of what would happen if almost nothing works as efficiently as in the case of the countries that joined the EU in 2004 and 2007. The article investigates the causes of EU policy failure in Bosnia and claims that the EU has not effectively responded to three challenges: 1) adjust the process to the needs of an ethnically divided post-war state; 2) preserve the credibility of accession conditionality, and 3) convey the proper messages on how to comply with EU rules. Therefore, the article argues for a more cohesive and consistent EU approach towards Bosnia.

Before the former Yugoslavia was divided by wars, its inhabitants successfully lived side by side in peace. This collection seeks to explain how former neighbors became enemies, with the hope that understanding what drove these peoples apart will help us discover ways for them to coexist in peace again.Contributors analyze political cartoons, psychiatry, the arts, visual media, and law to present a diversity of views on the conflicts in Yugoslavia. While the chapters in this book deal with regional developments, they are not so much focused on politics as they are concerned with how values and attitudes are altered and new identities formed. Thus, this volume goes beyond recent journalistic accounts and should remain relevant for years to come.This book began as a special issue of the journal Anthropology of East Europe Review. Most of the contributors to that issue have revised their chapters for this collection, and new chapters have been added, including one on the recent war in Kosovo. Essays range across all of former Yugoslavia, emphasizing the variability and diversity of ethnic relations throughout its history: Joel M. Halpern & David A. Kideckel (eds.)

İÇİNDEKİLER
ÜÇÜNCÜ BÖLÜM
ARNAVUTLUK
1. Analysis on Existing Ottoman Heritage Buildings inside
Fortress Walls of Elbasan City
Brunilda BASHA–Zafer SAĞDIC 09
2. Arnavut Edebiyatında İslâm Dini Yansımaları ve
Söylemsellik Modelleri
Nysret KRASNİQİ-Abdulla REXHEPİ 33
3. Theofan Stilian Noli’nin Arnavut Ortodoks Kilisesi’ne
Katkıları
İlir RRUGA 49
BOSNA-HERSEK
4. Balkan İslâm’ının Beyaz Perdeye Yansıması: Yücel
Çakmaklı’nın Kanayan Yara Bosna Filmi Üzerine Felsefi
Değiniler
Rıfat ATAY-Merve KESENCİ 73
5. Boşnaklarda Arap Dili Öğretimi -Mahiyeti ve KronolojisiSeyfettin HARUNİ 93
6. Surviving Elements of "Tradition" in the Bosnian Family-A
Contribution to Understanding the Anthropology of the Family
Amel ALİĆ 117
SIRBİSTAN VE KARADAĞ
7. Balkanların Sırbistan Bölgesindeki İslâm ve İslâmî Eserlerin
Akibeti
Eyüp SALİH 1416
8. Novi Pazar’da Din Eğitiminin Özellikleri ve Biçimleri
Emina SADIKOVIĆ 159
9. Sırbistan’ın Sancak Bölgesindeki Medreseler ile Türkiye’deki
İmam-Hatip Liselerinin Eğitim Müfredatları Yönünden
Karşılaştırılması
Yakup YILMAZ-Yasin YAYLA 171
10.Ülgün Şehri ve Yakın Çevresindeki Osmanlı Dönemine Ait
Arap-Osmanlı Harfleriyle Yazılan Mezar Taşları ile İlgili Genel
Bir Değerlendirme
Ali BARDHİ 183
KIRIM VE ROMANYA
11.Cengiz Dağcı’nın Romanlarında Siyaset: Hüzün ve Acının
Bir Toplumu Oluşturması
Celal TÜRER 197
12.Romanya ve Aşağı Tuna Avrupa Bölgesinde Geçmişten
Bugüne Türk Miraslarının Canlandırma ve Koruma Mücadelesi
Gülten ABDULA NAZARE 211
DÖRDÜNCÜ BÖLÜM
KUZEY MAKEDONYA
13.Osmanlı Döneminde Makedonya’da Yetişen İlim Adamları
Hüseyin ALGÜL 235
14.Kuzey Makedonya’daki Osmanlı Medreseleri ve Üsküp
Mefail HIZLI 253
15.Üsküp Meddah Medresesi ve Kapatılmadan Önce Yetişen
Müderrisler
Süleyman BAKİ 269
16.İştip Kazası’nın Tarihi ve Etnik Yapısı (XIX. Yüzyıl)
Bilal RUSHİD 293
17.Osmanlı Döneminde Makedonya Kratova’da Eğitim
Kurumları
Hasan TELLİ 3077
18.Osmanlı Kesriye’sindeki Eğitim Kurumları: Bir İcmal
Murat ÇELİK 325
19.Makedonya’daki Müslümanlarda Ölüm ile İlgili Belli Başlı
İnanç ve Adetler
Mensur NUREDİN 351
KOSOVA
20.Sırbistan’ın Kosova’daki Arnavut Müslüman Nüfusunun
Etnik Temizlik Politikası
Fehari RAMADANI 359
21.Müslüman Engelli Gençlerde Dini İnancın Psikolojik Etkisi
(Kosova Örneği)
Feim GASHİ 377
22.Bir Hudut Kazasında Toplumsal İlişkiler ve Yönetim
Politikaları: Gilan/Gjilan ve Asayiş Sorunları
Seda ŞAHİN AHMETAJ 405
BEŞİNCİ BÖLÜM
YUNANİSTAN, BATI TRAKYA VE TRAKYA
23.Yunanistan, Dimetoka Seyit Ali Baba (Kızıl Deli Sultan)
Tekkesi ve Velâyetnamesi
Kazım SARIKAVAK 423
24.XV. Yüzyılın Ortasında Batı Trakya’da Bir Osmanlı Nahiyesi:
Ferecik
Cengiz PARLAK 433
25.İslâm’a ve Orduya Köprü: Uzunköprü
Yılmaz BÜKTEL 461
26.Balkan Muhacirlerinin Dinî-Siyasî ve Kültürel Kimliğine
Dair Bazı Tesbitlerin Tekirdağ Örneğinden Hareketle Sunumu
Cüneyt ÖZVARDARLI 4798
BULGARİSTAN
27.Osmanlı Dönemi Bulgaristan’ında Kurulan Dârulhadislere Genel Bir
Bakış
Mustafa CANLI 491
28.1189 Numaralı Hurûfât Defteri Kayıtlarına Göre Şumnu’daki
Vakıf Kurumları
Habibe KAZANCIOĞLU 505
29.Bulgaristan’da (1933-1934) Yayımlanan Medeniyet
Gazetesi’ndeki Hadis Yazıları Üzerine Bir Değerlendirme
Alparslan KARTAL 529

Τhe EU has attempted to push forward essential reforms for the stabilisation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, presenting them as conditions for progress towards EU accession. However, this Europeanisation approach has not produced the expected results. Nikolaos Tzifakis investigates the causes of EU policy failure in Bosnia and claims that the EU has not managed to deal successfully with three main challenges: adjusting the process to the needs of an ethnically divided state; preserving the credibility of accession conditionality; and conveying the proper message on how to comply with EU rules.

This article argues that the post-Dayton political organisation of Bosnia represents an exemplary illustration of the difficulties associated with the empirical application of the pluralist model of “consociational democracy”. The country’s political system has been predicated on the existence of consensus and the spirit of cooperation among the three ethnic groups without, however, offering any electoral or political incentives to their leaderships to cooperate. Also, the inclusion of several elements to the Dayton accords of a partition approach to conflict resolution has even encouraged the ethnic leaderships to maintain their nationalistic programs and their endeavours to exploit the aforementioned power-sharing arrangements. Indeed, the structural deficiencies of the Dayton agreement have permitted nationalists to continue implementing their ethnic
agendas and have accounted for the slow progress towards the implementation of the Bosnian peace process. Therefore, this article elaborates on the international policies in Bosnia, aimed at transforming the country into a viable multiethnic state, and highlights the significance of motivations for implementing the peace process.

People abused by angry discipline as children, may tend to abuse or overly punish other people or themselves for perceived wrongs in their adult life. In some individuals, aggressive personality traits may be genetically inherited. The aggressive personality may feel weakened by having guidelines or boundaries for anger. Anger is a normal human emotion, and these guidelines can help express anger in a healthy way.

In this article for Just Security, the authors explain how the EU institutions (European Commission and External Action Service) and the US are pressing forward with a package assembled by Enlargement Commissioner Oliver Varhelyi, which not only continues their pursuit of electoral law and constitutional changes which would reinforce the power and unaccountability of Bosnia and Herzegovina's political elites, but also put huge swathes of BiH land up for natural asset stripping. In addition, genocide denial and war crimes glorification criminal sanctions imposed by High Representative Valentin Inzko would be on the chopping block. These moves reward allied politicians Milorad Dodik and Dragan Covic, who have jointly driven the ongoing crisis in BiH.

This paper investigates how national ideologies are able to contribute towards the preparation of the path to genocide. It looks at a concept of 'othering' where ideology can dehumanise the other and looks at the cases of Bosnia and Rwanda for further insight.

The article discusses the efforts to undertake economic reconstruction in Bosnia following the end of the war. It argues that, despite certain successes such as the rehabilitation of
infrastructure and the privatization of the banking sector, overall progress has been below expectations. The study, accordingly, attempts to analyse the reasons behind the reconstruction
failure by grouping Bosnia’s problems into four different challenges for analytical purposes: the post-Dayton institutional deficiency; overcoming political fragmentation; creating appropriate conditions for economic revival; and graduating from dependency on foreign economic aid. In this respect, it is concluded that the intersection between the economic and political dimensions of post-conflict reconstruction has generated a paradox: while huge amounts of economic assistance have intended to facilitate political reconciliation, the nature of the administrative (political) structure that was established in the post-war period has in turn hindered economic
recovery and the creation of a unified economic space. Moreover, political fragmentation and slow progress in economic reconstruction have been in a mutually constitutive relationship in which the existence of the one has contributed to the sustenance of the other.

PREDGOVOR NIKOLAJA LEVAŠOVA ,13 januara 2011 godine :
" Ova knjiga je postala Hima heroja iz proslosti, čija imena su osudjena na
zaborav, kao Isidora, ili sećanja iskrivljena o Radomiru i Magdaleni. Svetlana je
uspela da vrati dobro njihovim imenima, govoreći ljudima o njihovim delima i
podvizima. A kao pravim herojima,ona nije imala vremena da im vrati ugled. Njena
nova knjiga neće biti napisana,ali poslužila je kao svetlost,koja je tako neophodna
danas za ljude, kako ne bi izgubili ljudski oblik. To pokazuje primer borbe ovih
ljudi koji su poginuli, ne radi svoje lične koristi, već za istinu. I da se donese
barem malo svetlosti u budućnost za druge. Svetlanin zivot, mogu nazvati
herojskim i ima pravo da stane uz one o kojima je pisala u svojoj knjizi. Ona sama
nikada nije mislila, da radi nesto herojski, ona je samo radila po savesti i od srca.
Nakon svakog napisanog poglavlja, u knjizi, oni su je nemilosrdno napadali.
Naravno tu je bila moja zaštita,ali čak ako i muškarac nosi neprobojni prsluk,
metak ga pogodi u lice, odbacuje metar, ostavljajući modrice po celom telu. Ako
na telesni oklop , meci padaju neprestano, iz dana u dan, iz godine u godinu, ne
treba objašnjavati posebno, i kada uzmete u obzir da su "meci" svi različitog
kalibra, i da neprijatelji čekaju u svakom trenutku. Nanošenje udara, na
nezaštićeno mesto, koje se pojavljuje svaki put, čim postoji i bilo kakva emocija,
otvarajuci zaštitu......Svaki put kada su napadači vršili udare, Svetlana je
pretrpela udare da nije mogla da se pomeri......Samo da ne bi na vreme mogla da
prenese istinu o dogadjajima iz tih vekova. Bio je to jak udarac u proleće, ali
tada sam bio u stanju da spasim Svetlanu od neprijatelja, jer su joj mogli jako
povrediti pamćenje i um. Skoro dva meseca,njenog života, su bili izbrisani, da
nisam bio u stanju da zaustavim ovaj proces, njena memorija bi bila izbrisana u
potpunosti..... Tada sam bio u stanju , ne samo da prekinem brisanje njene
memorije , već I da povratim skoro sve izbrisano. I tu nije stala Svetlana, čim
je bila sposobna za rad, ponovo je sela za kompjuter i počela da piše nova
poglavlja, stalni stres, i silni udari u njene oči, ona je bila skoro slepa.............. Čim
je bila u stanju da sedne za kompjuter i osetila se oporavljenom, dolazile su
njene vizije. Ona je pisala.....pisala....Tako su dolazila na svet poslednja poglavlja,
bila je toliko uplašena da nema vremena da završi poslednja dva poglavlja u svojoj
knjizi. Posle dogadjaja od ovog leta i drugih naših akcija koje su imale za cilj da
spreče tamne da zalupe vrata ubijenim i ostatku sveta., počeli su da nas
neprestano TUKU.........Poslednji put smo imali ozbiljan rad koji smo priveli na
sam kraj, krajem oktobra 2010 god, kada je Svetlana skupila svu snagu da izdrzi
do kraja. Uspeli smo da unistimo opasan sistem, koji su pripremili paraziti-tamni.
Nakon toga, RITAM ZLA,GOTOVO JE BIO BEZ ZAUSTAVLJANJA.....Narocito
noću, bili smo u stanju da se opustimo tek pred zoru, nismo ni ona ni ja imali sna,

- 3 -


ni predaha...........Jer zlo oslabi na svetlosti....I tako se ponavljalo svaki
dan,posebno prošle godine, bilo je veoma tesko.... Ponekada sam video suze u
Svetlaninim očima...".

Alija Ali Izetbegović (1925-2003) is one of the outstanding Muslim thinkers in recent history who have re-conceptualized the Islamic worldview and ethos in the context of the contemporary world on the one hand and critically reflected upon the modern Western civilization, on the other. Izetbegović conceives Islam as a system representing a middle path between Christian spiritualism and materialism of modern civilization. However, like any profound philosophical system, his thought requires exposition and interpretation, which the present paper ventures to undertake. Specifically, the paper inquires whether and how far his vision of Islam facilitates coexistence between Muslims and the others, especially regarding the Muslims living in Western societies. The query is crucial because some writers have accused Izetbegović of being a fundamentalist who pursued an agenda of monolithic Islamic culture with little room for meaningful participation of non-Muslims. The paper concludes that c...

For centuriesrape has been considered as an inherent part of war-culture, as a natural expression of hatred, and as a way for soldiers to release sexual energy. After the recent atrocities committed by Serbian forces in Bosnia however, it became recognized as having the capacity of a weapon of war and even as a tool for genocide. Women were attacked due to their reproductive ability, aiming to impregnate them with Serb babies.
This has led to recent attention to children born of war and attempts to establish their status as victims of human rights violations. Current research is challenged by lack of first-hand information and less than satisfactory analysis of the phenomenon that often resultsin over-dramatizing their misery or over-estimating the number of shared characteristics they have. This research project starts with a question – who are the war
babies and where are they now? Guided by the assumptions of social constructivism, exploratory fieldwork has been conducted in the territory of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The article starts with investigating the circumstances of the babies’ conception, analyzing the predominant patterns of rape and the rationale behind them. It continues with data from the field, shedding light on the social circumstances of Bosnian
war babies as well as illustrating scenarios of familial and community acceptance and rejection of these children.

Przedstawiona w ramach niniejszego artykułu próba klasyfikacji różnych sposobów oddziaływania religii na tożsamość narodową pokazuje z jak złożonym fenomenem mamy do czynienia. Przeprowadzone analizy odnoszą się zarówno do historii, jak i współczesnych sposobów oddziaływania czynnika wyznaniowego w stosunku do poszczególnych tożsamości narodowych. Otwarte pozostaje natomiast pytanie dotyczące scenariuszy na przyszłość. Należy w tym względzie zachować dużą ostrożność, pamiętając, że jeszcze kilka dekad temu większość badaczy z zakresu nauk społecznych wieściła rychłą śmierć, a przynajmniej społeczną marginalizację religii. Tymczasem od końca lat 70. XX wieku byliśmy i nadal jesteśmy świadkami religijnego odrodzenia w wielu zakątkach świata, a chyba najbardziej spektakularnym tego przykładem są współcześnie Chiny. Warto w tym kontekście zwrócić uwagę na współczesną Europę (a zwłaszcza zachodnią jej część), w której mamy do czynienia z dwoma paralelnymi zjawiskami: laicyzacją autochtonicznych grup narodowych i religijną radykalizacją imigrantów. Wydaje się, że współistnienie tych dwóch zjawisk na dłuższą metę nie jest możliwe.

Tracing the influence of institutional Islamic Public Administration in Europe, the chapter looks at the four European Muslim-majority countries, Turkey, Albania, (the Federation of) Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Kosovo. All are successor states to the Ottoman Empire, with its own specific Islamic administrative system, which has been reassessed during the last 25 years as very sophisticated and effective. Bosnia, Kosovo, and Albania today, however, are explicitly non-Ottoman, and in Turkey, only specific interpretations of the Ottoman Empire are en vogue, depending on one’s political perspective. And while none of the three Balkan countries can be said to be an administrative success, a return to the Ottoman administrative paradigm is nowhere on the agenda.

Rad je dio turističkog preglednika "Gradačac: Grad Zmaja od Bosne" kojeg je izdala Općina Gradačac i sastavni je dio projekta "Upravljanje rizikom od mina i društvenoekonomski razvoj u zajednicama ugroženim minama u Bosni i Hercegovini u periodu od 2011.-2012. godine", koji je implementiran u Bosni i Hercegovini uz finansijsku podršku Kneževine Monako i Handicap International-a.

This paper critically addresses the identification of transitional, retributive and restorative justice, ICTY, and historiographical memory as the moral foundation of conflict transformation and peace-building normativeness in post-Yugoslav societies. First, the paper argues that Western Balkans' socio-political maturity depends on the moral exactitude of legal justice and ethnopolitical collective identity mechanism within conflicting memory order. Second, it questions the significant objective between memory and oblivion. Memory is a justice contributor but could affect peace, reconciliation, social progression, and development. Given humanity's propensity for violence, then at the very least, forgetfulness and the sacrifices it imposes may be a cause for relief rather than outrage after the most critical aspects of transitional, retributive, and restorative justice are fulfilled. The meaning and significance of self-defense against the committed genocide require solicitude for conscience and moral questioning. Third, national/ethnoreligious collective denial inducted by the politically encouraged culture of fear and ethnoreligious antagonism is critical for a liberal peace stalemate and social (in)justice. Thus, a decadeslong political matrix regarding the "ethnonational interest" and ethnic patriotic collectivism departed as exceptional nationalism. Finally, these circumstances make human (universal) justice principles an open question.

The Srebrenica Commission was formed by the Republika Srpska government to investigate the events that occurred in and around Srebrenica in July 1995. The Commission was formed by a decision of the Human Rights Chamber (HRC) of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In its report, the Commission consisting of mainly Serb officials concluded that crimes were committed in Srebrenica, citing the Krstic Case at International Court of the Former Yugoslavia. It also provided locations of mass graves where the Bosnian Serb Army hid remains of victims from Srebrenica. The paper aims to research the Selimovic et al case at the HRC and its implications, including clarifying how truthful and correct was the Commission on locations of mass graves.

The 11 new marble headstones erected at the small village cemetery at the outskirts of Hegići in late July 2007 outnumbered the number of people who had returned to the village. Only the dates of death engraved on the white headstones revealed that most of the people buried that day died together on the same day in July 1992. The small congregation of some 50 people, made up of surviving relatives and neighbours coming from afar, mourned in dignity and prayed for the souls of the victims of the massacre. Through ethnography of a collective funeral for the victims of ‘ethnic cleansing’ in a small Bosnian village, and reflexive narrative analysis of the past and present realities of the survivors, this article explores the complex relationship between memory, place and reconciliation in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Book Review of František Šístek (ed.), Imagining Bosnian Muslims in Central Europe: Representations, Transfers and Exchanges (New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books 2021) by Dejan Jović

REFERENCE: Jović, Dejan. "František Šistek (ur): Imagining Bosnian Muslims in Central Europe: Representations, Transfers and Exchanges." Tragovi 4, br. 1 (2021): 197-206.

Tragovi : časopis za srpske i hrvatske teme, Vol. 4 No. 1, 2021, pp.

The paper presents a short review of historiography examining the Ottoman conquest of the Bosnian Kingdom in 1463, with an emphasis on opinions and evaluations of historians from the Ragusan writers and chroniclers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries to the modern critical historiography.

Since the gradual expansion of the Ottoman Empire in South-Eastern Europe may be viewed as a single process, some historians wanted to draw a parallel between the Bosnian case and the examples of other states that fell under the Ottoman rule during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Even though the grounds for these comparisons are understandable, it is very difficult to learn anything from them. Circumstances to which individual rulers and their states, from the Byzantine Empire, Bulgaria and Serbia to other smaller or larger principalities, were subjected were essentially different. In these comparisons historiography has given a negative evaluation of Bosnia’s struggle and its rulers. Someone had to be responsible for the fall of the Kingdom and the blame was almost exclusively assigned to the last two Bosnian kings.

In line with the times in which they lived and contemporary historiographical trends, some historians attributed the quick fall of Bosnia to internal factors, such as conflicts within the state and the complex religious situation including the presence of heretics. The most commonly cited argument was the discord between the nobles and betrayal, even though the latter is mentioned in only one authentic contemporary diplomatic source. The work of these historians served as a basis for the myth of an easy and simple breakdown of the medieval Bosnian state in which the Bogomil betrayal played an important part. Contemporary critical historiography concluded that this myth was created by Bishop Nikola of Modruš, the papal legate in Bosnia, in order to justify his own wrong policy that hastened the unavoidable fall of the Kingdom.

Only a small number of historians studying this topic looked at the broader picture and took external as well as internal factors under consideration. This is especially evident in older literature which, inspired by patriotism, ethical values and the concept of heroism, paints a more negative image of Bosnia’s fall. If we consider all the available sources, and critically analyze those of Roman and Hungarian origin, we gain the impression of a rapid surge of the Ottoman army into Bosnia, intense fighting under Bobovac and other Bosnian fortresses, strong resistance of the defenders, destruction and mass deportations of population, general panic and emigration towards the Adriatic and the islands.

Even though the thesis that the defence of the Bosnian Kingdom during the last Ottoman attack faltered very quickly is not completely wrong, after the publication of new sources and results of historical research historians have reached the conclusion that Bosnia offered significant resistance in its battles against the Ottoman Empire. The final fall of Bosnia under Ottoman domination was in fact a result of numerous interconnected factors and signified the completion of a process begun with the first conflict between Bosnian and Ottoman troops in 1386. If we take into consideration the Ottoman policy towards Bosnia as well as the Ottoman conquering policy in South-Eastern Europe in general, we can see that Bosnia resisted strong pressure for a long time and that it had been “falling” under the Ottoman rule for almost 80 years.

Ferdinand Velc was a painter, photographer and also very important person in the czech ethnography. By his camera he documented mostly the life of village peoples in some czech regions and also in Bosnia, where he teached in Sarajevo since 1895. Except the paintings and photos, Velc also wrote few publications. The largest one is about monuments in Slaný region (published in 1904) and also important is the Guide to Bosnia and Hercegovina.

Published in: Posel z Budče 31 (2014), Kladno 2014, pp. 71-72.

The concept of scapegoating has widely used descriptive power with respect to reporting and understanding social violence. It is helpful, though, to review the limits of this concept with respect to explaining and redressing the causes of social violence. The disciplines of psychology, sociology, literary criticism, theology, and rhetoric each have particular versions of what scapegoating is as a social phenomenon. One reason the concept is confusing in scholarly discussions is because multiple versions converge. While the different versions are neither independent nor mutually exclusive, their mixing can result in confusion. It is worthwhile to distinguish these different versions, review their interconnectedness, and critique the flaws in the scholarly discussion of scapegoating, in particular, in René Girard’s work.

This article examines whether there is a steady pattern of celebrity engagement with humanitarian issues through a study of the involvement of U2 and Angelina Jolie in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The activism of these two celebrities was limited in both time and content and developed at different phases of the country’s recent history. The article notes that their involvement was idiosyncratic and was not developed at certain ‘turning points’ or ‘critical junctures’ of the conflict. It also argues that their activism was primarily motivated by personal networks: the decision of U2 and Jolie to get involved was prompted by their acquaintance with people who knew and cared about Bosnia. Therefore, the article highlights the role of intermediaries and underlines the need to study the personal networks that initiate and/or facilitate celebrity involvement in social causes.