Cold War

Горан Давидовић, Милош Тимотијевић, Затамњена прошлост : историја равногораца чачанског краја. Књ. 3, Агонија и слом : ратне 1944. и 1945. године (Чачак : Међуопштински историјски архив ; Краљево : Народни музеј, 2004 (Чачак : Графика Јуреш). - 462, [32] стр. с таблама ; 24 cm

Тираж 500. - Стр. 311-312: Рецензија / Коста Николић, Бојан Димитријевић. - Напомене и библиографске референце уз текст. - Summary: Darkened Past. The history of the Ravna Gora movement in the Čačak region. Book 3, Agony and breakdown of war 1944 and 1945- Библиографија: стр. 304-310. - Регистар.

ISBN 86-80609-29-3 (брош.)
94(497.11)"1944/1945"

COBISS.SR-ID 118526220

In the period immediately following the Second World War, as tensions between the two superpowers began to surface, Greek policy makers concentrated their efforts on two goals of vital importance for their nation’s survival: securing credible protection against a growing communist threat, domestic and external, and finding the resources and assistance needed to rebuild their devastated country. These objectives could be achieved only with the support of the Western world, especially the United States. But even as the Truman Doctrine provided assurances for the immediate future, there were other long term foreign policy interests, more modest and regional in nature, which led to the pursuit of other diplomatic initiatives. One of them was the search for a security arrangement in the Eastern Mediterranean, the subject of this essay. Initially a Turkish proposal, it envisioned a defensive agreement linking Turkey, Egypt and Greece, endorsed by the Western powers and associated with a similar pact for the Western Mediterranean. The Turkish initiative, which the Greek government was eager to support, met with little encouragement in Western capitals. In principle, Britain and the United States welcomed a Greek-Turkish rapprochement but wished to see the Arab world excluded from any regional alliance they did not themselves establish, especially as long as the question of Palestine remained unresolved. Moreover, in the late 1940s Washington’s priorities were clearly focused on the security of Western Europe, to which the United States formally committed itself under the North Atlantic Treaty in 1949. Initially, Greece was too weak, Turkey was too far and both were too vulnerable to Soviet aggression to be considered for membership in the “Atlantic community.” However, such calculations were suddenly rendered obsolete by the outbreak of the Korean Warin June 1950. Under the specter of a spreading East-West conflict and despite strong reservations from several allies, Turkey and Greece became members of NATO and received the commitments of military and economic assistance they had sought to gain through regional arrangements. With their membership, NATO’s areas of responsibility extended to the shores of the Eastern Mediterranean.
      This is a historically important subject, expertly examined by utilizing American, British and Greek archival sources. It sheds new light on Turkish and Greek diplomatic initiatives in search of regional security as Cold War tensions engulfed the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East. And it offers insights into NATO’s historic decision to extend its reach to the entire length of the Mediterranean.

Despite their other theoretical differences, virtually all scholars of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) agree that the organization's members share an almost religious commitment to the norm of non-intervention. This article disrupts this consensus, arguing that ASEAN repeatedly intervened in Cambodia's internal political conflicts from 1979 to 1999, often with powerful and destructive effects. ASEAN's role in maintaining Khmer Rouge occupancy of Cambodia's UN seat, constructing a new coalition government in exile, manipulating Khmer refugee camps and informing the content of the Cambodian peace process will be explored, before turning to the 'creeping conditionality' for ASEAN membership imposed after the 1997 'coup' in Phnom Penh. The article argues for an analysis recognizing the political nature of intervention, and seeks to explain both the creation of non-intervention norms and specific violations of them as attempts by ASEAN elites to maintain their own illiberal, capitalist regimes against domestic and international political threats.
[the full version is available via my website, http://www.leejones.tk]

This paper analyzes the prehistory of the War on Terror to explore how the meanings counterterrorists attributed to “terrorism” in the 1990s. A Tom Clancy novel, Rainbow Six, read in the context American cultural shifts in the 1990s surrounding capitalism, technology, globalization, and gender, reveal a counterterrorist fantast of mirroring terrorist dissociation from state institutions to engage in extralegal practices. These tactics range from breaking international law to torture, anticipating the War on Terror. The paper concludes with a consideration of the possibility that 9/11 may have slipped into a pre-existing cultural narrative rather than starting a new one.

Millions of Ukrainians fleeing the Russian invasion are met with open arms in Europe. This has not always been the case for people forced to leave their homes. This rare showing of solidarity sparked a debate on the EU’s responses to refugees, with critical voices raising the issue of racist double standards. Indeed, not so long ago, most European states were quite apprehensive, and many were outright hostile towards Syrians during ‘Europe’s migration crisis’. However, these arguments, important as they may be, miss a crucial point: states instrumentalise population movements for political purposes. The struggle for power between the USA and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) was a key parameter in refugee politics in the post-WW2 era. And as the world rollbacks to another Cold War, geopolitical considerations and power politics are taking again the front seat in state responses to forced displacement. In Cold War refugee politics, race becomes a ‘moldable’ concept.

International conference. Trieste, Novembre, 13-15 2014
This conference aims at analyzing the history of Italy’s nuclear energy policies during the Cold War, by placing the Italian case in a comparative perspective and highlighting the importance of the international context in shaping the country’s specific experience. It builds upon a previous conference, organized by Elettra-Sincrotrone Trieste S.C.p.A and the University of Trieste in 2012 (Nuclear Energy in Italy after the Second World War: Research, Culture, Politics - http://www.elettra.trieste.it/Ippolito/). This conference proposes to examine the ways in which international politics and economics, technological and scientific exchanges, as well as social and cultural movements, influenced Italian nuclear energy policies, both civilian and military. Furthermore, it seeks to understand how the Italian case compares to other national histories, in Western and Eastern Europe, the U.S., Latin America, Asia and Africa.
With few important exceptions, the Italian case has largely remained on the margins of a growing scholarship on the history of nuclear energy. This conference intends to provide a venue for work-in- progress by junior and senior scholars, with the aim of consolidating a national and international research group on this topic. We are particularly interested in fostering an interdisciplinary dialogue and encourage papers that use a variety of approaches, such as history, science and technology studies, physics, engineering, political science, economics, international relations, anthropology, and geography.
Some of the issues that the conference will address are:
1. The ways in which the Cold War shaped Italian civilian and military nuclear policies.
2. The role public opinion, social and cultural groups, anti-nuclear and pro-nuclear movements, had in shaping Italian nuclear policies.
3. The ways in which an interdisciplinary approach such as that of Science and Technology Studies (STS) might provide a new understanding about the history of nuclear energy in Italy.

This conference is organized by Elettra-Sincrotrone Trieste S.C.p.A., the Department of Humanities of the University of Trieste, the Department of Political Sciences of the University of Roma Tre, and the Department of Documentary, Linguistic-Philological and Geographic Sciences of the University of Rome “La Sapienza”.
The working group responsible for the conference programme includes professors and researchers from the University of Trieste – Humanities Department; University of Roma Tre – Political Science Department; Machiavelli Center for Cold War Studies – CIMA; University of Rome “La Spaienza” - Physics Department and Departments for Documentary, Linguistic-Philological and Geographical Sciences; Elettra-Sincrotrone Trieste S.C.p.A.


Scientific Committee:
Giovanni Battimelli (University of Rome “La Sapienza”)
Elisabetta Bini (University of Trieste)
Igor Londero (Elettra-Sincrotrone Trieste S.C.p.A.)
Leopoldo Nuti (University of Roma Tre)
Giovanni Paoloni (University of Rome “La Sapienza”)
Carlo Rizzuto (Elettra-Sincrotrone Trieste S.C.p.A.)
Elisabetta Vezzosi (University of Trieste).


Organizing offices: Giulia Iannuzzi (University of Trieste)
Contacts: nuclearitaly@gmail.com
Web: www.elettra.eu/Conferences/2014/NuclearItaly

The Gouzenko Affair is referred to as the event that started the Cold War. This article draws on recently declassified documents that shed new light on Britain’s role in this affair, particularly that of the Foreign Office and the British High Commissioner to Canada. The documents reveal how the British had a major part in directing the response to Igor Gouzenko’s defection in 1945. This event revealed the need for increased counterespionage security, but it also became a spectacle that directed the public’s attention away from the British connection: specifically, the role of Alan Nunn May, a British nuclear scientist who had provided the Soviets with classified information. Instead, the public’s interest was centred on Soviet spies, communism as a subversive force, and the brewing Soviet-US conflict. These newly declassified sources demonstrate how it was the British intelligence services and the British government that went to great lengths to help focus the public’s attention in this direction. They took great pains to direct Canadian policy making, which included working to discourage Canada’s prime minister William Lyon Mackenzie King from handling the affair privately with the Soviet ambassador, and were likely behind the infamous press leak to US reporter Drew Pearson that forced King to call a Royal Commission and publicize the affair. With the help of the British government and intelligence services, the Cold War began.

El sábado 12 de junio de 1971, la hija del ex presidente estadounidense Richard Nixon, Patricia, celebraba nupcias con su prometido Edward Finch Cox. Todo apuntaba a que el siguiente día, 13 de junio, la prensa dedicaría un amplio espacio en sus primeras planas a los recién casados. Y así lo hicieron grandes medios de Estados Unidos como el Washington Post o el Chicago Tribune.

Pero el diario The New York Times rompió con el guión. La boda Nixon-Finch quedó opacada por la publicación de la primera parte de una serie de documentos “top secret” del gobierno estadounidense, y que serían conocidos como los “Papeles del Pentágono”. La publicación corresponde a un estudio titulado oficialmente Relaciones de Estados Unidos-Vietnam, 1945.1967: Un Estudio Preparado por el Departamento de Defensa, que contiene un análisis sobre la participación política y militar de aquel país en el conflicto de Indochina. El estudio fue comisionado en 1967 por el entonces Secretario de Defensa, Robert McNamara, y supervisado por por el director de Planificación de Control de la Política de Seguridad Internacional en el Pentágono, Leslie Gelb. La investigación duró un año.

El contenido fue filtrados en primer lugar al diario estadounidense The New York Times y posteriormente al Washington Post, por el ex analista del Departamento de Estado, Daniel Ellsberg. En ellos se reveló que el gobierno de Estados Unidos aumentó su actuación militar en la Guerra de Vietnam a costa de engañar al Congreso y a la opinión pública. La publicación de los “Papeles del Pentágono” marcaron en su época una victoria Judicial a favor de la Libertad de Expresión en Estados Unidos y en contra de los intereses del gobierno, así como un avance para los informantes que buscan equilibrar los abusos de poder en los que pueden caer los Estados bajo el cobijo de la secrecía.

A 45 años de la publicación de los “Papeles del Pentágono”, el escenario ha cambiado. Las tecnologías han permitido la emergencia de plataformas como Wikileaks para filtrar anónimamente documentos clasificados que revelen una actuación ilegal de algún gobierno, o que atente contra la democracia y la soberanía de los países. Esto significa una simplificación en la logística desde que Ellsberg y su colega Anthony Russo fotocopiaron más de 7,000 páginas del informe que fue entregado en secreto al periodista Neil Sheehan. Los canales digitales encriptados también han permitido que medios de comunicación y plataformas como Wikileaks puedan recibir directamente información de los whistleblowers.

Peter Ludlow, profesor de Filosofía en la Universidad del Noroeste de Estados Unidos, observa ya una emergencia de la “Generación W”, una generación de informantes que actúan en la era Wikileaks. Figuras como Julian Assange, Chelsea (Bradley) Manning y Edward Snowden se han convertido representantes de esta generación, quienes han denunciado políticas y decisiones secretas del gobierno estadounidense que contravienen con los principios democráticos, de respeto a la soberanía y autodeterminación de los Estados, así como los derechos humanos. Estas figuras son la evidencia de que la herencia de Daniel Ellsberg y los “Papeles del Pentágono” aún sigue viva.

Pero Estados Unidos y sus países aliados han orquestado una continua persecución y acoso en contra de los mensajeros (medios de comunicación, plataformas de divulgación de información y periodistas) mientras que los informantes son objeto de persecución judicial bajo una Ley de Espionaje que data de la Primera Guerra Mundial. En este escenario, los whistleblowers se han convertido en actores no estatales que han generado tensión al interior de los Estados y en sus relaciones internacionales ya que las filtraciones de estos tres actores han tenido alcance tanto local como global; y por la persecución estatal de la que son objeto. Los whistleblowers son acusados de espías y por divulgar información que compromete la seguridad nacional cobijada en la secrecía.

A lo largo de este trabajo se analizará la herencia de Daniel Ellsberg y la publicación de los “Papeles del Pentágono”, y su influencia sobre el actuar de los principales representantes de la “Generación W” de informantes. A partir de este análisis se buscará dar explicación a una realidad: lo que alguna vez la sociedad estadounidense vio como una victoria para la libertad de expresión hace 45 años se tradujo en el desprestigio y la criminalización de actores que suponen un equilibrio entre la protección de la seguridad nacional y los abusos del poder.

The United States pursuing the realist prescription during the cold war helped maintain the balance of power and thus 'peace' among the competing great powers. In the post-cold war era it divorced some of realist assumptions-most importantly the prudential consideration-and pursued hegemonic policies which not only alienated its allies but also created apprehensions among other great powers about US ambitious grand designs. By pursuing such policies it has challenged not only the legitimacy of certain institutions established since Second World War (like United Nations), but also the institutions being established since Treaty of Westphalia (like state sovereignty). The study postulates that struggle for power and great power politics that had gone to the back-benches for some time during 1990s is very much alive and back in the post 9/11 era generally, and in the past decade specifically, establishing the prominence of enduring legacy of Realism.

This publication is the fruit of a one-of-a-kind conference, which took place in Palermo, Italy, in 2012. The conference brought together veteran diplomats from Albania, China, Italy, Poland, Romania, and the United Kingdom, and paired them face-to-face with historians from around the world. For several days, participants engaged in what is known as “critical oral history.”

Methodologically, critical oral history allows for substantive dialogue between foreign policy practitioners and scholars. It allows participants to go beyond and challenge individual recollections and to fill in the blank spots in the historical record. The dialogue that took place between former officials and the scholars in Palermo was unique, making this a milestone event in the discipline.

What is perhaps most interesting about this volume is that the wealth of information and perspectives contained herewith have not been publically accessible before. This arises from the volume’s unique composition. It combines translations of formerly secret documents from ten different countries, with the rich oral history testimonies of ambassadors and diplomats from nearly as many nations. History could hardly be more international than how it is presented here.

The new data collected here is all the more valuable because the subject matter, Sino-European relations during the Cold War, is so fascinating, so timely, and so relevant. The “socialization” between China and the West in 1960s and 1970s, examined exhaustively in this volume, still weighs heavily on the international system today. Why? If the bipolar system of the 1960s and 1970s was marked by superpower détente, the parallel tentative emergence of a new order—an increasingly multipolar world—was grounded in the dialogue between middle powers: China and Europe.

As this volume demonstrates, Sino-European interaction and the resulting transformation of the Cold War order were the outcomes of Europe’s forward thinking diplomacy and Beijing’s genuine desire for independence on the international stage. De Gaulle’s vision of French grandeur inaugurated Europe’s overture to Beijing in 1960s. Later, the universalist impulses of and the emphasis on inclusiveness in Italian foreign policy found fertile ground in the ashes of the Cultural revolution. These and other shifts in the European political landscape added a normative horizon to Europe’s diplomatic contacts with Beijing and opened the door to Beijing’s return to the broader family of nations, thanks to its participation to the United Nations since the 1970s.

Presenting profound insights into the diplomatic paths that determined these historical transformations, this volume is not just useful for seasoned academics. It is also highly instructive for the new generation of diplomats. It is this generation which must appreciate how the different political cultures of Europe and China affect relations today, but it also this generation that ought to understand the shared history between Europe and China and its role in shaping the challenging times we live in.

Publisher's blurb: Incorporating important recent scholarship, this popular supplement combines a comprehensive essay on the history of McCarthyism with compelling documents that trace the course of anti-Communist furor in the U.S. The volume’s 95-page essay follows the campaign against domestic subversion from its origins in the 1930s through its escalation in the 1940s to its decline in the 1950s. The second part includes over 47 original documents (including 6 new sources) — congressional transcripts, FBI reports, speeches, and letters — that chronicle the anti-Communist crusade. The essay and documents have been thoroughly updated to reflect new scholarship and recently revealed archival evidence of Soviet spying in the U.S. Also included are headnotes to the documents, 15 black-and-white photographs, a glossary, a chronology of McCarthyism, a revised bibliographical essay, and an index.

Almanya her iki dünya savaşını kaybetmesine, büyük bir yıkım yaşamasına ve işgal edilmesine, savaş sonrası bölünmesine, Soğuk Savaş’ın kısıtlamalarına maruz kalmasına ve 1990’daki birleşmeye kadar tam bağımsızlığını elde edememesine rağmen, bugün dünyanın en gelişmiş ve en güçlü ülkeleri arasında yer aldı. Son otuz yılda, Almanya, diğer Batı Avrupa ülkelerinden çok daha fazla değişti. Bunun en önemli nedeni, Soğuk Savaş sisteminin çöküşünden Federal Cumhuriyet ile aynı ölçüde başka hiçbir ülkenin etkilenmediği gerçeğinden kaynaklanmaktaydı. Bölünmenin ve Soğuk Savaş’ın sıkıntıları ve kısıtlamalarından kurtulan dış politika; Almanya’nın daha aktif bir rol oynaması beklenen bir alan olarak öne çıkarak, Alman dış politikasının gelecekteki seyri üzerine çok yönlü tartışmalara yol açtı. Bu bağlamda birleşmeden günümüze kadar devam eden Alman dış politikasının geleceğine yönelik tartışmaların eşliğinde bu çalışmada; Alman dış politikasında bir değişimin yaşandığı iddiasıyla, 1990 sonrası Alman dış politikasında yaşanan gelişmeler ve değişimler açıklanmaya çalışılacaktır.

The objective of this post-graduate thesis work is to analyses “The Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe” (CFE) which has been accepted as the most
extensive and successful conventional disarmament treaty of the world disarmament
history and its effects to Turkey in a historical perspective. In our work we spotlighted the process between the Treaty was signed in 1990 and 2010s we are present in. We also gave place to the conceptions of disarmament and controlling arms and their historical development process.

Chapter I, was separated to express various conceptions about the subject in historical examples.

In Chapter II, we dealt with the disastrous race of armament started with cold war era and discussions of controlling arms and disarmaments that the balance of terror alerted. While disarmament and the activities of controlling arms were taken in hand just in terms of conventional dimension because of the extent of our topic; the difficult processes of discussion lasting on troublesome ways to CFE were examined thoroughly because of underlying the Treaty.

Chapter III was separated into eight additional protocols, all of which are accepted as an inherent piece of the Treaty text and other treaties and formations completing the regime of CFE.

In the last chapter of our work, Chapter IV we discussed the results of CFE in terms of NATO and VP, compulsory changes were subjected to in accordance with changing political and military conjuncture and the effects on Turkey in terms of all political, military and economical dimensions with all these breaking points were examined deeply.

Key Words: The Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE), Disarmament, Arms Control, NATO, VP, Turkey.

From the volume Introduction:
"Leonardo Campus’ chapter explores the Italian political perspectives on the crisis,  using new documents from Italian, US and British archives, as well as interviews.  The divisive nature and the desire for peace that characterized such reactions are highlighted.  The government, led by the Christian Democrat’s Fanfani, gave unenthusiastic support to the US moves, while Togliatti’s Communist Party supported the USSR. Moreover, as the presence of NATO nuclear missiles made Italy both a target at risk and a possible subject of negotiation, it will be shown how Fanfani secretly tried to use them to play a role as a peace mediator."

Welcome to the "Ways In" section of this Macat analysis. This is an introductory section, summarising the most important points of this work in one 10-minute read.

Macat's Analyses are definitive studies of the most important books and papers in the humanities and social sciences.

Each analysis is written by an academic specialist in the field. Each one harnesses the latest research to investigate the influences that led to the work being written, the ideas that make it important, and the impact that it has had in the world.

A powerful resource for students, teachers and lifelong learners everywhere, our analyses are proven by the University of Cambridge to improve critical thinking skills.

Read the whole of this analysis and explore our library at www.macat.com.

In the first half of 1944, tens of thousand Ukrainians left their country together with the withdrawing German occupiers in order to avoid confrontation with the approaching Red Army and the Soviet authorities. Between the summer of 1941 and their time of departure, all of these Ukrainians had had some kind of experience with the Holocaust, either as observers, as rescuers or as perpetrators. In the second half of the 1940s they were relocated from DP camps to various western countries such as Australia, Canada, the USA and the United Kingdom, while some remained in West Germany and Austria. In their newspapers and numerous memoirs they frequently described and discussed the Second World War, but they either did not mention the Holocaust at all or portrayed it as a crime committed only by the Nazis and a small group of unpatriotic Ukrainians. The participation of the Ukrainian police, the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and its Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), and various types of ordinary local Ukrainians did not appear in these memoirs and historical discourses. On the contrary, some of these actors, in particular the members of the OUN and the partisans of the UPA, were commemorated as freedom fighters and national heroes. Concentrating on western Ukraine, this article explores how, during the Cold War, the Ukrainian Diaspora forgot the annihilation of the Jews, turned Holocaust perpetrators and war criminals into heroes of Ukraine, and argued that survivors from eastern Galicia and Volhynia, who mentioned Ukrainians as perpetrators, were Soviet propagandists and Jewish chauvinists.

This paper is a review of the book: John J. Mearsheimer, The Great Delusion: Liberal Dreams and International Realities (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2018). Mearsheimer observes that in the aftermath of the Cold War, the U.S. adopted a profoundly liberal foreign policy dedicated to turning as many countries as possible into liberal democracies. Mearsheimer concludes that the liberal hegemony of the past twenty-five years does not work: it has left a legacy of futile wars, failed diplomacy, and diminished prestige for the United States.

AFTER the optimism which followed the falling of the Berlin Wall, one has found out that the alternative to Cold War wasn't the Global Peace. Regional conflicts have grown stronger, becoming more intense than ever. At several levels, some taken-for-granted evidences were shaken by ...

This article offers a theoretical approach to evaluate political friendship, and to test this approach by focusing on two well documented and supposed friendships: those of Helmut Kohl and François Mitterrand, and George H.W. Bush and Mikhail Gorbachev. In so doing the article aims to address an academic oversight where friendship is taken for granted, without pausing to define and measure its influence on political actors. Part one aims to operationalize the concept of friendship, offering a concise philosophical overview of the concept, culminating in a demarcation between a (businesslike) partnership and a character driven friendship. Part two analyses the current state-centred approach to friendship in international relations and shows that operationalizing the concept of friendship between actors connects directly to current research on friendship, adding an additional layer of analysis on the level of political actors. Part three follows with an overview of the supposed friend...

The period of the eighties is the main subject of my story. The aim is to analyze the crisis in the functioning of the Belgian State and society, which culminated at the end of 1985, and to provide background facts. This is a crisis that has so far been little analyzed. Reasoning back from that crisis can only be properly discerned the various elements that have dragged society along in today's very deep and almost hopeless crisis.
A few facts that should indicate the situation at the end of 1985 ... A whole series of factors come together and interact. First, there is a dynamic, but mainly pacifist mobilization of the young people for peace; a mobilization that at that time mainly revolves around whether or not to place American cruise missiles in Belgium. In the period October 1984-December 1985 an organization emerged that presented itself as an extreme left, the Cellules Comunistes Combattentes. It commits acts of violence, attacks that were not aimed at people, but which nevertheless involve a victim. The CCC comes out of nowhere, is said to come from extreme left-wing circles and consists of no more than 6 to 10 people. They ensure that violence is increasingly the subject of public debate. At the end of 1985, 4-5 persons responsible for the attacks they claimed were arrested.
At the same time an even more serious social drama occurs. In the first half of the eighties, a destabilization of the state takes place in all kinds of areas. A climate of tension is created. This tension among the entire population is mainly borne by people who have remained unknown to this day, who have gradually become known as the "Gang of Nijvel. There, too, a spiral of violence that has certainly occurred from 1983 onwards, and it is no coincidence that it reached its peak at the end of 1985. There is talk of terror, of apparently criminal violence, which in its methodology and in its timing pointing to political aims down to the smallest detail.
[...] In the first half of the eighties a third phenomenon occurs. In line with the Cold War, the Belgian government consulted the ally in the USA. Some of the best investigators from the Belgian police world (gendarmerie and judicial police) were sent to the US to receive training in undercover work. This training had a dramatic effect. As in many other European countries, they were given a training that only fit within the framework of American law. That American law permits far more than is customary in any other European democracy. The trained people came back with a formidable education that only suited the American context, but was totally illegal in the Belgian framework In Belgium, it is not allowed to proceed to arrests by provocation, ie by inciting to commit a crime.
[..] The dynamics that the Belgian state has shown recently lay in a completely different field, namely in the field of decentralization to absorb the contradictions between the Flemish and the Walloon communities as well as the uneven economic development between the industrialized, traditionally socialist south and the Flemish north where wealth accumulated more and more, while the traditional industrial structure in Wallonia has entered a very deep crisis. This uneven development has forced the state to a very far-reaching decentralization, which in the minds of some should end in secession (as the Lega Nord wants in Italy). It is mainly the extreme right that is aiming for this.
The "Vlaams Blok/Flemish Block" systematically conducts a political offensive that has only one goal: to abolish democracy by means of the detour of splitting Belgium into two pieces. When one sees in this development what is left of essential functions of the old unitary state - and these are in the first place justice, internal affairs, police services, military - then it must be concluded that it is precisely those sectors of the old state structures that are subject to a deep crisis; a crisis that poses a major threat to democracy.
What alternative is left to the old unitary structures now that the attention of politicians and the population is shifting more towards the new regional structures; now that the old state has been undermined by the anti-democratic forces of the Cold War, while the formation of the new regional states is partly driven by the extreme right; an extreme right that puts the theme of nationalism at the center of the propaganda and the aversion to everything that for them is not proper to the nation with all the discriminatory undertones that entails. Belgium faces a dilemma and a complex situation that is partly the result of what went wrong in a number of Western democracies as a result of what has been called the Cold War.

The thesis examines the Eisenhower administration’s decisions to use space for intelligence and military purposes. By examining significant National Security Council (NSC) documents, including reports and meeting notes, the thesis presents an argument that since the very beginning, U.S. space policy included a provision for intelligence and military applications of satellites as a matter of national security. Throughout the Eisenhower presidency, the concept of “peaceful” use of outer space, which did not preclude satellites from having certain military applications, was  never questioned at the NSC.

Accounts of the relationships between states and terrorist organizations in the Cold War era have long been shaped by speculation, a lack of primary sources and even conspiracy theories. In the last few years, however, things have evolved rapidly. Using a wide range of case studies including the KGB's Abduction Program, Polish Military Intelligence and North Korea's 'Terrorism and Counterterrorism', this book sheds new light on the relations between state and terrorist actors, allowing for a fresh and much more insightful assessment of the contacts, dealings, agreements and collusion with terrorist organizations undertaken by state actors on both sides of the Iron Curtain.

This book presents the current state of research and provides an assessment of the nature, motives, effects, and major historical shifts of the relations between individual states and terrorist organizations. The articles collected demonstrate that these state-terrorism relationships were not only much more ambiguous than much of the older literature had suggested but are, in fact, crucial for the understanding of global political history in the Cold War era.

Als dichotome Spaltung der Welt drang der Kalte Krieg auch in Gesellschaften ein, die nicht direkt in die „heißen“ Kriege des internationalen Dauerkonflikts verwickelt waren. Dort entfaltete er seine Virulenz und Persistenz dadurch, dass er permanent ausgemalt, inszeniert und materialisiert wurde. Von der sozialen Wirkmächtigkeit gesellschaftlicher Deutungsmuster und Symbolen ausgehend, fokussiert dieser Band auf das Imaginäre des Kalten Krieges: Auf Metaphern der Abgrenzung und Zugehörigkeit, Freund- und Feindfiguren, propagandistisch gestützte Emotionskulturen sowie Bedrohungs- und Schutzszenarien. Diese zirkulierten zwischen militärischen und zivilen Organisationen, staatlichen und kulturellen Institutionen und der öffentlich-politischen Sphäre hin- und her – und trugen so dazu bei, den Kalten Krieg am Laufen zu halten.
Konzeptionell gefasst in vier Dimensionen – Metaphern, Figuren, Emotionen und Simulakren – spürt der Band aus einer kulturgeschichtlichen Perspektive der Verbreitung des Imaginären im Ost-West-Konflikt nach. Er versammelt Beiträge aus der Geschichte, der Literaturwissenschaft, der Kulturwissenschaft, der Europäischen Ethnologie und der Soziologie und richtet den Blick mit Fallbeispielen zum geteilten Deutschland, zu Österreich, der Schweiz und Großbritannien primär auf Europa.

Terrorism is mostly recognised as being a "method", which generally is conceptualised as a guerrilla or otherwise non-legitimised act of violent force by non-recognised armed combatants, generally groups (Bosi, 2006; Bosi, 2012; Shanahan, 2016). This is a useful definition for the study of this phenomenon, because it leaves wide space for a deeper analysis of various groups, while at the same time it clearly states the necessary attributes for a terrorist group to be called as such. As the study on terrorism grew more and more from the Cold War, and after 9/11 with a striking escalation, attributes and adjectives were added to the word "terrorist group", mostly to specify the ideals behind the group. The two main sets of groups are widely accepted as "secular" and "religious" terrorist groups (Hoffman, 1988). Of course, then, each of these groups is divided into the different categories that universally form the political spectrum (right wing and left wing) and into the various religions (lately mainly on radical Islamism, but work exists on Catholicism as well) (Hoffman, 1988). This essay is going to analyse specifically left wing terrorism groups that developed and acted in Europe and South America between the 1950s and the 1990s. It will draw the analysis on two case studies: The Italian Brigate Rosse (Red Brigades) and the Nicaraguans Sandinistas, in order to highlight similarities and differences between them. The aim of this essay is to highlight how, to study the different terrorist methods of the two groups as part of the same phenomenon only on the basis of the ideology of the writings they are based upon (such as Che Guevara and Marighella), is problematic in many ways. Firstly, from an academic level, it could lead to the overlook of important differences and perspectives, as shown by the lack of historical perspectives on them (Bosi and Della Porta, 2016). Secondly, it leads to think that the main motive of their actions must be found in radical leftism, making it easy for wider discourses among the public to demonise an idea, being that of communism or that of Islamism, more common in the current climate. These points will be shown through a discussion on the two phenomena on different levels.