Constitutional Law

Nel dibattito politico e scientifico ricorre periodicamente l'ipotesi di sostituire in tutto o in parte il sistema del voto con il sistema del sorteg-gio. Il saggio indaga le premesse di tale ipotesi e le resistenze teoriche e pratiche che una sua ricezione da parte dell'ordinamento costituzionale sarebbe inevitabilmente destinata ad incontrare.

The concept of ‘shared sovereignty’ is examined as a contribution to the debate on reconciliation with Indigenous peoples in Canada and Australia. The discussion includes some commentary on some common features of the reconciliation debate in both countries. The main focus is on the views of a minority of justices in a Supreme Court of Canada case and their comparison with the analysis of Canada’s 1996 Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples.An examination of the vexed issue of reconciling state sovereignty with assertions of Indigenous sovereignty including a view on the meaning of 'truth' in the context of reconciliation projects.

Since the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement on December 14th in Paris 1995, the political but also general social scene of Bosnia and Herzegovina has been overwhelmed with the issues of reforms and changes in regard to the Constitutional settlement agreed in Dayton. The Bosnian-Herzegovinian everyday reality that the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina face with on a daily basis stands as an unquestionable witness to the necessity of the Constitution changes, which was adopted as an integral part of a Peace Agreement which only or most important goal was to "end the war". After the cessation of armed conflict, the large number of B&H administration, overlapping of competencies, inconsistency of internal structure (one part (entity) functions on the "republican model" while the other on the "federal"), and above all the reality of everyday life, as well as the challenges encountered by the citizens of B&H imposed as a necessity changes of the Constitu...

La existencia simultánea de decisiones municipales y centralizadas acerca de la pandemia de COVID-19 da cuenta de una cierta tensión institucional con respecto a la policía sanitaria. Esta fricción no es nueva, sino que constituye un episodio más en la larga historia de interacciones entre el municipio y el gobierno central en cuanto a la administración de las epidemias, una cuestión que puede rastrearse hasta la llegada del cólera al país en 1886 durante la administración del presidente José Manuel Balmaceda.

It is increasingly evident that, in the digital context, the principles underlying the rule of law are under stress. The presentation will start from one of the cornerstones of the principle of the rule of law and of constitutional law, how limiting the new forms of private power that compete with public powers, moving from the Trump's social media silencing in the United States to the Facebook's decision in Australia to ban news services and also to the complex system of enforcement of the right to be forgotten in Europe. How to deal with these constitutional short circuits? What common ground can be found by looking at the new perspectives of digital constitutionalism?

Not-guilty verdicts, mistrials, and impunity for the Bundy family and many of their supporters in the armed confrontations over public land use in Nevada and Oregon. Expanded access for private oil, gas, mining, and logging industries and the downsizing of national monuments such as Bears Ears lead by Secretary of the Interior Ryan Zinke. A number of highly contentious debates and sensationalized events have again focused attention on land held in the public domain by the United States. This essay argues that federal land policy as a form of colonial administration has been constitutive for the logic of expectation as property in what is now the United States. From the state land cessions negotiated on behalf of the Articles of Confederation to the preemption acts (1830–1841) to the homestead acts (1862–1916) to present-day demands for land transfer, the acquisition and disposal of the so-called public domain have been central to westward colonization, the consolidation of the nation-state, and the promise of land ownership as the ostensible foundation of individual liberty. These dynamics are evident in contemporary conflicts over public lands and arguments for the transfer of public lands to either state or private ownership. Approaching the Bundy occupations as flashpoints that illuminate competing interpretations and claims to land within the history of westward colonization, this essay seeks to demonstrate the ways in which expectation emerges from particular economies of dispossession of indigenous peoples that have historically worked through and across the division of public and private property.

Se la struttura sociale assume un volto sempre più frammentato e quasi disarticolato, il ruolo delle istituzioni rappresentative non può più essere quello di imporre politiche, ma deve divenire, invece, quello di discutere le politiche, in modo che la visione collettiva su di esse possa effettivamente maturare. La democrazia rappresentativa oggi non è solo questione di voti e di elezioni, è anche capacità di interrogare, di consultare, di discutere pubblicamente, di sorvegliare e correggere. La tutela degli interessi durevoli richiede allora al Parlamento, come sede della rappresentanza nazionale, di diventare una struttura di conoscenza capace di individuare le priorità, di imputare le responsabilità, di misurare i risultati prodotti e di creare un senso di continuità volto a pacificare e coordinare le ragioni di oggi con quelle di domani. La valutazione delle politiche pubbliche è lo strumento che può accostare le istituzioni rappresentative a un’efficace tutela degli interessi durevoli: attraverso funzioni valutative l’organizzazione pubblica può cercare di essere un fattore di rigenerazione della società non perché impone decisioni, ma perché innesca un costante processo di autoapprendimento in cui il decisore politico assume il ruolo di immettere la conoscenza nel sistema istituzionale e renderla oggetto di un vero allargamento egualitario.

La constitution française en instaurant par la révision du 23 juillet 2008 la question préjudicielle de constitutionnalité (QPC) complète un contrôle de constitutionnalité des lois jusque là en retrait en regard des standards européens de l’Etat de droit. Pour autant, les particularités d’un contrôle à la française perdurent comme l’attestent les modalités techniques de la QPC et sa mise en œuvre juridique.

¿Continúa siendo el reformismo y sus formas de organización y reivindicación una opción válida para generar Progreso, entendido como ampliación de los derechos y la igualdad?
El reformismo fue útil para generar Progreso en el viejo Estado Constitucional donde existían las condiciones para ello, que en este libro se describen en forma de tres pluralismos. Sin embargo, a lo largo de las últimas décadas y con el paso al Estado neoliberal, hemos transitado a una sociedad donde tales condiciones están siendo eliminadas y sustituidas por un nuevo escenario. Una realidad, caracterizada ahora por la existencia de tres monismos, donde se han eliminado los instrumentos y alternativas a través de los cuales los ciudadanos podían presionar o intervenir para generar igualdad desde y por el Estado.
Ante tal situación, donde ya no hay alternativas de Progreso posibles dentro del Estado neoliberal, la única opción de reconstruir la democracia es una estrategia rupturista en forma de Poder Constituyente, redefinido y adaptado a nuestros espacios y tiempos.

This paper deals with the relation between God and the secular legal systems of Western liberal democracies. It provides a normative argument for the compatibility of God and secular legal reasoning. In our age, in which believing in God is no longer socially axiomatic and the right to religious freedom protects all kinds of theistic and non-theistic religious beliefs, creeds, and first philosophies, it seems contrary to religious neutrality for secular legal systems to single out God. This paper instead argues that, although God and religion are inextricably intertwined, they affect the legal system in different ways because they are ontologically different. God cannot be reduced to a mere component of theistic religion. This paper argues that a proper understanding of secularization might call for keeping God outside the legal system but not for driving God out of the public sphere of democratic societies. Secular legal systems are not atheist legal systems. Secular legal systems are legal systems 'without religion' but not 'without God.' Secularization implies some degree of minimal recognition of God as a metalegal concept. The specific degree of recognition of God appropriate for any given political community depends on its cultural and communitarian identity and should be subject to the rules of democratic procedures and majorities. This is the metalegal God.

Soziale Medien haben unser Kommunikationsverhalten entscheidend verändert. Im Zuge dieser Veränderung begegenen uns bekannte Herausforderungen wie Radikalisierung oder Hassrede in neuer Intensität. Zusätzlich tun sich bislang unbekannte Phänomene beachtlicher Konsequenz, wie digitale Entrüstungsstürme auf. Der vorliegende Beitrag dikutiert, ob es in Anbetracht dessen eine Neuvermessung der Grenzen freier Meinunsgäußerung braucht.

Die digitale Revolution lässt vielfach die Einlösung des Versprechens vermissen, einen offenen Marktplatz des Meinungsaustausches zu schaffen. An die Stelle der etablierten Torwächter sind Algorithmen getreten, die bekannte Präferenzen der Nutzerinnen und Nutzer fortspinnen und sie so tendenziell Gleichem und Gleichen zuführen, statt sie mit abweichenden Positionen zu konfrontieren. Dieses als "Filterblase" bekannt gewordene Phänomen soll im folgenden Beitrag vor dem Hintergrund grundrechtlicher Anforderungen diskutiert werden.

Since 1976, the VSBO disciplinary board has been only a body oF unauthorized individuals with no judicial authority created by fiat by the Supreme Court of Virginia.

Current research and evidence supports that Supreme Court of Virginia and the Virginia State Bar Organization routinely commit violations of the laws of the Commonwealth of Virginia.

The interests of justice demand an impartial tribunal , but the Court refused to request that the Virginia General Assembly to preside over the appeal of the Appellant’s matters and the appeals of all other misconduct and impairment matters involving attorneys practicing law in the Commonwealth of Virginia.

On June 25, 2019, the Supreme Court of Virginia refused to ask the Virginia General Assembly appoint an impartial tribunal and dismissed all related Motions for the same.

Nine characters are cast into a set of circumstances that cannot be explained but with which those individuals must engage. The fate of humanity rides on what they do.

Their task is to come to grips with the issue of self-governance. With no resources on which to draw except their own ideas, intelligence, moral integrity, and understanding, they must try to work out the essential principles of sovereignty.

The challenge is time-limited, but they do not how much time is left before the final buzzer is sounded. In addition, there is a war, of some kind, that is raging all around them, and the explosions are coming closer and closer to their location.

The discussions which ensue are far-reaching. They range from: the Philadelphia Convention of 1787, to: issues of ratification, the Preamble to the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, constitutionality, the rule of law, judicial interpretation, sovereignty, the nature of power, education, cults, the scientific problem of origins, militarism, and more.

Finally, a number of the characters are suspected of terrorism and treason. As a result, they must face an investigation into their activities. The truth might not be enough to save those individuals, but an unexpected decision is rendered leading to ...

The Constitution of Kenya of 2010 adopts a bicameral legislative structure, within a
devolved system of governance, consisting of the National Assembly and the Senate. In
keeping with the devolved structure of government, the Senate’s legislative mandate is to
a large extent confined to considering, debating and approving Bills concerning counties
as well as determining the allocation of national revenue among counties and providing
oversight over the national revenue allocated to the 47 county governments. Over the last
ten years, Kenya has witnessed a great consolidation of power by the National Assembly
at the expense of the Senate especially with regards to the roles of the chambers over the
process of enacting the Division of Revenue Bill. Such consolidation of power attempts
to relegate the Senate to a peripheral role within the bicameral legislative institutional
structure. Consequently, the Supreme Court has asserted its advisory power and the High
Court its judicial review power to mete out this inter-institutional conflict between the
National Assembly and the Senate. This paper interrogates the manner Kenyan courts
have discharged the contested role of serving as guardians of a legislative institution in
a conflict within the bicameral legislative system. It makes the point that while courts
have the authority to intervene in inter-cameral conflicts, judicial intervention should be
exercised as an option of last resort, only utilised after exhaustion of the constitutionally
ordained intra-parliament mediation process.

"GUANTÁNAMO, O PROCESSO E JULGAMENTO PELAS COMISSÕES MILITARES E A GARANTIA DO HABEAS CORPUS: A PRISÃO CONTINUADA SEM ACUSAÇÃO OU JULGAMENTO"

Abstract
The study investigates the Guantánamo Bay detention camp, the process and trial of those detained by the Military Commissions, and the continued imprisonment without trial, considering the manifest violation of human and international rights, inciting a debate that aims to focus on two objectives: the status of Guantanamo detainees, and the Human and Humanitarian Rights related to them. Engendering domestic and international concern, the detention camp has been deeply controversial since its opening. The legal status of detainees is greatly contested as well as the lack of access by prisoners to the constitutional rights of the American Charter and to the human rights. Could the Law of War and the
Geneva Conventions be applied? Under the circumstances allowing the creation of a Military Commission, could it be constituted at Guantánamo? Guantánamo is operating in its sixteenth year and some of the detainees are imprisoned in the totality of this time. In this regard, the debate continues to be useful for the academic community. Given this panoramic
exposition of the organization of the text, as well as the problem on which it deals with and the objective indicated, the methodological path that has been imposed here is a bibliographical and documentary research.
Keywords: Guantánamo Bay detention camp. American Military Commissions. Continued imprisonment without formal charge or trial.

Resumen
La investigación estudia la prisión de Guantánamo, el proceso y el juicio de los detenidos por las Comisiones Militares y la prisión de carácter continuado y sin juicio, teniendo en vista haber manifiesta violación de los derechos humanos e internacional, incitando un debate que pretende enfocarse en dos objetivos: el estado de los detenidos de Guantánamo y los Derechos Humanos y Humanitarios relativos a ellos. Al engendrar preocupación doméstica e internacional, la prisión causa una profunda controversia desde su apertura. El estatus legal de los detenidos es muy cuestionado, así como la falta de acceso de los prisioneros a los derechos constitucionales de la Carta estadounidense y a los derechos humanos. ¿Se aplica la Ley de la Guerra y las Convenciones de Ginebra? Según las circunstancias que permiten la creación de una Comisión Militar, ¿podría constituirse en Guantánamo? Guantánamo está operando en su décimo sexto año y algunos de los detenidos están atrapados en la totalidad de este tiempo. En este sentido, sigue el debate siendo útil para la comunidad académica. Dada esta exposición panorámica de la organización del texto, así como conocido el problema sobre el que ella se dirige y el objetivo que se indica, el camino metodológico que aquí se impuso es el de una investigación bibliográfica y documental.

Palabras clave: Prisión de Guantánamo. Comisiones Militares Americanas. Prisión continuada sin acusación formal o juicio.

Resumo
A pesquisa estuda a prisão de Guantánamo, o processo e o julgamento dos detidos pelas Comissões Militares e a prisão de caráter continuada e sem julgamento, tendo em vista haver manifesta violação dos direitos humanos e internacional, incitando um debate que pretende focar em dois objetivos: o status dos detentos de Guantánamo e os Direitos Humanos e Humanitários relativos a eles. Engendrando preocupação doméstica e
internacional, a prisão causa uma profunda controvérsia desde a sua abertura. O status legal dos detidos é muito contestado assim como a falta de acesso dos prisioneiros aos direitos constitucionais da Carta americana e aos direitos humanos. Aplica-se a Lei da Guerra e as Convenções de Genebra? Segundo as circunstâncias que permitem a criação de uma Comissão Militar, poderia ela ser constituída em Guantánamo? Guantánamo está operando em seu décimo sexto ano e alguns dos detidos estão presos na totalidade deste tempo. Neste sentido, segue o debate sendo útil para a comunidade acadêmica. Dada esta exposição panorâmica da organização do texto, bem como conhecido o problema sobre a qual ela debruça e o objetivo que se indica, o caminho metodológico que aqui se impôs é o de uma pesquisa bibliográfica e documental.
Palavras-chave: Prisão de Guantánamo. Comissões Militares Americanas. Prisão continuada sem acusação formal ou julgamento.

SUMARIO: Introducción; 1. (La prisión de) Guantánamo: ¿puertas cerradas para los derechos humanos? Una historia sin fin; 2. Comisiones Militares: proceso y juicio de los "combatientes"; 2.1 Proceso y juicio; 2.2 Los avances y retrocesos de las Comisiones Militares; 3. Habeas Corpus: un
remedio constitucional en favor de los derechos humanos; 4. Un análisis del HC de Tofiq Nasser Awad al Bihhani, et al. v. Donald Trump, et al., una petición que pretende evitar abusos cíclicos de poder: la prisión de carácter continuado sin acusación o juicio.

In Constitutional and Administrative Law, the authors draw upon their extensive teaching and research experience to provide a contemporary and engaging account of the key topics which make up a typical Constitutional & Administrative or Public Law syllabus. Controversial issues and academic debates are also highlighted throughout making this the ideal textbook for anyone requiring a strong understanding of both the black letter principles and the wider socio-political context in which the constitutional arrangements of the UK have developed.

Fully updated with all the latest constitutional and legal developments in this area, this second edition contains:

- A dedicated chapter on ‘Political Freedoms and Democratic Participation’ which offers expanded coverage of important civil liberties, including freedom of expression and the right to vote.
- A new section providing an overview of police powers.
- Extensive coverage of the implications of the Brexit referendum decision, including the European Union (Withdrawal Bill) 2017 and the ongoing exit negotiations.
- Discussion of the implications of the 2017 general election and proposed changes to the Westminster parliamentary constituency boundaries.
- An outline of the Strathclyde proposals on the powers of the House of Lords.
- Discussion of the mooted replacement of the Human Rights Act 1998 with a British Bill of Rights.
- Detailed analysis of a number of significant cases include the Miller decisions, R (Evans) v Attorney General, HS2, and R (UNISON) v Lord Chancellor.

The projected inclusion of the subsidiarity principle and the margin of appreciation doctrine in the preamble to the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) is a legal turn that deserves special attention. Is it a welcomed reform which will enhance the Strasbourg Court’s often-questioned legitimacy vis-à-vis member states? Does it represent, as some non-governmental organizations have claimed, a setback for human rights in Europe? This article elaborates on these questions by first entering into the current debate on the nature of human rights. I suggest that a “cooperative” political understanding of these rights, which is based on claims of relational justice, is a suitable ground for a normative theory of international human rights adjudication. I then use this political conception to present a non-statist reading of the subsidiarity principle, which is in accord with an incrementalist approach to human rights requirements and with a rationalized version of the margin of appreciation doctrine. My holistic reading is consistent with the axiological aims of the ECHR system as a regional driver of human rights protection without damaging Strasbourg’s legitimacy.

Ky vendim është kontrolli kushtetues incidental që kam inicuar në Gjykatën e Apelit Durrës me cilësinë e gjyqtarit a quo mbi nenin 154/a të Kodit të Procedurës Civile.
Përmes tij kam kërkuar në Gjykatën Kushtetuese që të shfuqizohet paragrafi i tretë i nenit 154/a të Kodit të Procedurës Civile, në pjesën që parashikon "‘‘i a kthen paditësit në kohën e paraqitjes së saj ose’’, pasi vjen në kundërshtim me parimin e proprocionalitetit, aksesit në gjykatë, përfundimin e gjykimit brenda një afati të arsyeshëm dhe të sigurisë juridike.

A key focus of much scholarly attention is on the (theoretical) relationship between legal orders. The practical question I intend to answer in this article is the following: how can we know who has the final say – international, European Union (EU) or national law? I proceed in three steps. First, I critically sketch major current theories – monism and dualism, as well as global legal pluralism and global constitutionalism. However, because none of them offers a satisfactory answer to the question posed, I move to the reconceptualization stage of the theoretical relationship between legal orders. In the second step, I offer my account of how to think about the relationship between legal orders by introducing the theory of the law creators' circle (TLCC). The TLCC provides a theoretical foundation for deciding on the source of the decisive norm. It does not, however, provide a general solution which fits any norm conflict stemming from overlapping legal orders. Thus, the purpose of this article is to develop a legal theory which facilitates the understanding of the interaction between international law, EU and national law. Third, I use a doctrinal analysis to show the results of the TLCC application. For instance, in the famous Kadi saga, according to the TLCC, the EU should have either claimed that the UN Security Council was acting ultra vires or considered the UN Security Council Resolution faulty because UN human rights (instead of EU human rights) had been violated.

在国家荣誉制度的立法过程中，应对其政治理念、宪法规范与宪制功能有深入的理论认知。国家荣誉不能异化为政治特权，只能是依据个人贡献与德性而获得褒奖。荣誉制度作为连接国家与公民的政治纽带，一方面强化公民与国家之间的政治归属关系，促成政治认同与社会动员；另一方面代表国家对于公民的教化与规训，经由塑造英模以达成特定的国家目标。在中国宪法的文本中，设置了国家荣誉与个人荣誉的“双重主体结构”与实现路径，国家荣誉构成个人荣誉的前提和基础，服务于国家任务的实现。与此同时，国家荣誉制度兼具重要的宪制功能，包括了对于政权合法性的建构、对于政治利益与诉求的吸纳、以及对主流价值观的引导。由此，国家荣誉立法应符合宪法所设定的原则和权力分工的要求，旨在提高国家荣誉的权威性和稀缺性，强调评审机制的独立性和参与性，并通过荣誉评审来培育公民健全的政治人格。

This study seeks to analyze the cutting edge aspects concerning the application of public international law since the beginning of the 21 st century in Brazil. It focuses on court decisions and national doctrine vis-à-vis the effectiveness and applicability of international norms domestically. The conclusion reached is that domestic courts, although still lagging behind doctrinal approaches, are gradually more effectively and more constantly applying international law. An important example is a decision of the Supreme Court about the hierarchy of international human rights treaties within Brazil's domestic legal system. These advances, however, do not mean that Brazil reached a desired level of congruence and harmony in its domestic application of public international law.

The aim of this Article is to re-conceptualize the debate about the (theoretical) relationship between international and national law, which has been debated for centuries. Generally, the floor is divided between dualism as developed by Heinrich Triepel and monism developed mainly by Hans Kelsen. In the light of new developments since their inception, I argue that these theories can no longer comprehensively explain the relationship between international or European Union (EU) and national law. Yet, the Article is based on the conviction that a common denominator of international and national law is elementary (i.e. here " the law creators' circle, " in German, " Die Theorie des Rechtserzeugerkreises, " in short " TREK ") in order to solve possible norm conflicts between different but overlapping legal orders. Therefore, pluralism is also limited in my eyes because it does not offer a satisfying prescriptive account. This common legal framework, however, must not be understood as the “constitutionalization” of international (or EU law) either, as this easily implies too many substantial values, which are not (yet) a common reality.

Malgré le récent amendement de 2011 qu’a connu la Constitution haïtienne, il a été présenté au grand public le 29 mars 2017 une commission spéciale sur l’amendement de la constitution au niveau de la Chambre des députés. Le but principal de ladite commission est de produire un rapport devant servir à justifier un amendement dont la procédure sera entamée à la dernière session ordinaire de la 50ème législature, soit entre juin et septembre 2019, conformément à l’article 282-1 de la Constitution. Si Pour certains, un amendement est nécessaire pour corriger certaines lacunes, pour d’autres, il faut une nouvelle constitution et non simplement un amendement. Ce dernier parait plus réaliste et justifié qu’un changement de Constitution. En effet, les lacunes que l’on peut reprocher au texte constitutionnel ne sont pas assez graves pour justifier l’adoption d’une nouvelle Constitution. Il suffit de faire une grande réforme constitutionnelle par le biais d’un amendement. Cependant, dans la mesure où en Haïti il y a une propension des gouvernants à ne pas appliquer la Constitution dans toute sa teneur, les dispositions résultant de l’amendement à venir risque de rester lettre morte. Sur ces entrefaites, il y a une urgente nécessité de résoudre le problème de l’inapplication de la Constitution. Sinon, Ce sera un vain travail de l’amender.