DIALECTICAL ANTHROPOLOGY

Stanley Diamond opens his essay with a euphoric statement by C.O. Ojukwu, the leader of Biafra, who defined Biafra’s endeavour and its relevance to pan-Africanism as the “potential of the black man ... the breaking of the chains” that would demonstrate that the “basis of neo–colonialism has been removed; which is continued economic dominance,” in 1969. This historic milestone still has not been achieved as we concur with the author who in 1970 went on to analyze the reasons for this failure within the context of the larger global frame of reference as applied to the local scene in Nigeria. Diamond’s analysis is still valid and even increasingly relevant in view of globalization, ongoing wars, and current geo-strategic and oil interests confronting our world today. The Igbo people in general and their intellectuals—including the honourees of this special issue—were all affected by the struggle over Biafra in one way or the other. The article is divided into four segments: The first part begins with the defeat of Biafra by Nigeria’s federal forces and offers an account of the Igbo people’s heroic struggle against overwhelming military and economic powers, contextualized within global strategic and business interests. Biafra was indebted to no European country for support, bought whatever supplies were available from just a few sources—some African countries, Portugal, China, and the Czech Rep., and from private companies—all with cash. Biafra largely manufactured her own arms, and received only non-political Joint Church Aid assistance. Nigeria, on the other hand was aided by both Russia (then the Soviet Union), and the North-Atlantic Alliance (particularly Nigeria’s former colonial master, Britain)—as well as by much of Moslem North Africa, with Egyptian pilots flying Russian-made MIGs against the breakaway enclave which had no air force of its own. The humanitarian disaster unfolding in Biafra where 2 million people were killed and a generation of children was starved to death was grossly ignored and understated by the world powers. The second part examines British support for Nigeria against her post-colonial history and political development on the one hand, and the Igbos' ethnic and cultural idiosyncrasies on the other. Diamond characterizes the Igbo people as pan-Africanist nation builders, who were originally in strong support of a Nigeria they conceived as universal and egalitarian, but who later became disenchanted with the country’s post/neo-colonial developments, He accounts for the subtleties of the Igbo language and praises the culture as exceedingly democratic, exhibiting gender equilibrium, resisting foreign domination, despising acculturation, displaying restiveness under British oppression, yet endowed with a passion for modern education, He notes that Igbos made up for 2/3 of all Nigerian students in the USA’ a dynamic group committed to upward social mobility. Despite his dated terminology—writing of the “lbo” rather than the “Igbo” and characterizing then civilization as “primitive,”1—Diamond’s admiration and sympathy for the Igbo people and their culture is clearly evident. He further identifies Nigeria’s internal cultural dynamics and especially the differences between her feudal North and democratic Southeast, as an economic threat to the Nigerian federation and thus to foreign - especially British - economic and strategic interests. To Diamond, this is the overriding rationale behind the overwhelming foreign support for the federation. The article’s third part further analyzes foreign interests and politics and their bearing on the conflict over Biafra. In particular, Russian and British geo-political strategies emerge as competing in outdoing each other over their support of and friendship with Nigeria’s Islamic North in an effort to cement their relations to the Mediterranean Islamic associations, whereby oil interests became intensified, even though they were not the primary cause of the conflict over Biafra. China mostly expressed sympathy for Biafra and emerged as the ideological winner over Russia’s declared materialist goals. In the fourth section, Diamond concludes that the Nigerian civil war was not only an example of biological, but also cultural, genocide, aiming not only at the physical extinction of Biafra, but as well the collapse of the Igbo universe, because of the cultural possibilities of the Igbo as a people, Luckily, the Igbo people are well and alive today, striving throughout the world, and as resiliently as ever pursuing their careers, cherishing and grooming their language and their culture—37 years after Biafra. Sabine, Jell- New York, May 2007.

Este trabajo presenta elementos conceptuales para elaborar una aproximacion existencial a a etnografia. Las principales influencias de esta propuesta se relacionan con el pensamiento filosófico de Heidegger y Sartre, asi como de las ideas desarrolladas
por la antropologia critica y reflexiva, la antropologia de la experiencia de Victor Turner, y el posmodernismo antropologico. Se discuten las vinculaciones existentes entre el Ser, la Existencia y el lenguaje para la descripcion y analisis de la practica etnografica en el mundo contemporaneo. Se pasa revista a la constitucion ontologica del sujeto-etnografo desde los inicios de la disciplina hasta el presents. Asimismo, se brinda una definición existencial de la antropologia y de su momento experiencia.1, la etrnograiia, como un desplazamiento ontologico por el espacio del Mundo. Esta practica supone la posibilidad  de concretar una praxis no alienada, donde la estructura dual del sujeto-etnografo (un
individuo historico y un 'espacio metodologico'), se unifique en lo que Bob Scholte denomina ‘reconciIiaci6n existencial’. Finalmente, se postula la necesidad de un nuevo espacio intersubjetivo que supere al individuo autonomo y cerrado de la etnografía tradicional.

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There ARE 'the few' whose particular psyche make them near-amoral actors than affected sympathizers.

Let 'the actors' do-and-be. Recognize that amongst the affected who want to do 'what little' they're capable,knowing that the near-amorals are the change sought.
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The reality that 'the few' are the exceptions to 'the many' who'd rely and depend on others for THEIR material trappings and privileges is ubiquitous and increases with material trappings. This sets the false moral standing for 'the lessers' whose justifiable needs would precipitate the similar amoral intents and ends.

Underlying, latent amorality is our default character. Our tolerance of acceptance is directly proportional to what subjectively we perceive as our objective prerogative. Evil is a juxtapositional quality of its procreator and the recipient-Yang (kinetic)/Yin(affected). As long as 'meaning' is determined within the trappings of the carnal existence, then 'As time goes by', so does the world turn by this dynamic.

To be outside this intangible matrix-placenta of materially-based logic does require 'living a dream' to its acknowledged and affirming logical consequential ends. The dream is your being, but its existence as an acknowledged atmospheric event-by even one-is the seeding/insemination of a new creation of its own intangible placental matrix of inevitable imperative logic.

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My purpose in this essay is to raise some questions about what isinvolved in research on political violence. Since 1995 I haveconducted ethnographic research in rural villages throughoutAyacucho, the region of Peru most heavily affected by the warbetween the guerrilla group Sendero Luminoso, the rondascampesinas (armed peasant patrols) and the Peruvian armed forces.A key factor motivating my research was a desire to write againstthe culture of violence arguments that were used to ``explain''the war. The concept of a ``culture of violence'' or ``endemicviolence'' has frequently been attributed to the Andean region,particularly to the rural peasants who inhabit the highlands.I wanted to understand how people make and unmake lethal violencein a particular social and historical context, and to explore thepositioning and responsibilities of an anthropologist who conductsresearch in the context of war.

The Eulogy 'Talking Duo' and the Philosophical visualisation of agents of death 'Never Again', are tributes to the beloved but departed Igbo son and daughter, Dr Ezenwa Ohaeto and Dr Angela Uwalaka respectively, who contributed immensely to the upliftment and understanding of Igbo and her cultural heritage globally.

One of the most frequently advanced explanations of the Maoists’ popularity in rural Nepal links dissatisfaction with the State to forms of consciousness and changes in expectations that are products and processes of development. Such theories often attribute popular support for the insurrection to frustrated desires stemming from “failed” or “incomplete” development. Against this, others suggest that it was the very “success” of empowerment programs which aimed to raise participants’ consciousness of oppression and its roots that inspired villagers to embrace revolutionary action. This paper argues that, despite their differences, both hypotheses reflect assumptions about gendered selfhood and political action that limit their recognition of what motivates Maoist sympathies. Extended research with women in Gorkha—a district where female support for the rebels is said to be especially strong—reveals that Gorkhali women’s support for the rebels is not inspired primarily by the desire for greater autonomy, choice or absolute liberation from social constraints, all of which ideals valorize a culturally specific vision of individual agency. Rather, women there report a sense of self that defines itself through social relations and commitments and which values the common good over individual self-interest, which they associate with an unjust state. The disjuncture between Gorkhali women’s own understandings of self and society and prevailing theories of what motivates people to rebel highlights the modernist assumptions that underlie—and potentially distort—otherwise diverse scholarly perspectives. Likewise, it implies that rebellions may be less about consciousness and more about morality than either “failed” or “successful” theories presume.