Greek Vases

This paper examines the Dyonisian and Orphic symbolic and ritual iconographical aspects of a Centuripe vase from Southern Italy from the Montreal Museum of Fine Arts. Measuring 70.5 by 34.5 centimeters, the basic form of the vase is that of a bell krater without handles set on a high foot and surmounted by a domed lid ending in an egg-shaped finial (Richter 188), formed of separate sections that have been assembled in production. The vase has been assembled from broken pieces, showing little surface damage. In order to facilitate description and analysis, two very similar Centuripe vases, one in New York, the other in Princeton, are  referred to.
A.Description of the iconographic and decorative aspects of the vase, which depicts a scene of three woman and a man in a ritual scene. One woman holds a thyrsus and tympaneum and there is a tripod.
B. Analysis of the elements in relation to the history and development of Greek vase art. Mayo has observed that ‘’death, marriage, and the mysteries is a frequent triad in South Italian and Sicilian vase-painting’’ (283). These aspects will be examined, in the context of feminine themes, to see if they can shed light on the imagery and function of the vase.
1. Feminine aspects
2. Marriage aspects
3. Funerary aspects
4. Dyonisian aspects
5. Orphic aspects
C. Interpretation.  Ariadne has often been linked  with Aphrodite (Otto 182-85).  Figure 29 (de Grummond 92)  is a wall painting from Pompeii depicting Dionysus and Ariadne watching a contest between Pan and Eros, aptly illustrating the combination of the worlds of Dionysus and Aphrodite. Figure 30 (Lissarague in Masks 21),  from a fifth century Bell krater, depicting what could be a puberty initiation scene,  illustrates  Dionysus and Ariadne in a ritual context. The Maenad holding the rabbit, a well-known fertility symbol could be an aspect linking Ariadne to Aphrodite. 
The portrait on the Montreal Centuripe vase could serve to indicate that the deceased identified herself with Ariadne, as her features resembles the Ariadne figure on the body. The head can be related to the ascension of Aphrodite in a  role of chthonian goddess (Calinescu in Mayo 143), and possibly related to Ariadne’s divinization after her revival  by Dionysus, where Zeus placed her crown in the heavens (Seyffert 64). As shown in figures 11-14, Centuripe imagery has been related to the Dionysus and Ariadne figures of the frieze of the Villa of Mysteries.

This book is the edited proceedings from the conference 'The Art of Stesichorus' held at St John's College, Oxford, on June 29–30 2012. Contributors include: Ewen Bowie (Oxford), Chris Carey (London), Patrick Finglass (Nottingham), Richard Hunter (Cambridge), Adrian Kelly (Oxford), Ian Rutherford (Reading), Gerson Schade (Berlin), Laura Swift (Open University), Martin West (Oxford).

Pelling, C., Classics for All 2015/08/11

In archaic and classical iconography, eminent figures, such as the Olympian gods, are often represented seated on thrones. This symbol of power, however, is also regularly used by ancient authors and artists as an allegory of punishment associated to a hybris committed towards the gods –Theseus and Pirithoos on the thrones of oblivion, Hera on the golden throne. This theme alludes to the destiny of those who do not respect the laws and rules established by official authorities (divine or human).
The present article aims at studying the transformation of a typical symbol of power to an image of suffering and torture as well as determining the pictorial elements that enabled the distinction between the two themes in space (Greece and South Italy) and time (from the sixth to the fourth centuries B.C.).

RESUME
Le motif de la figure assise apparaît souvent dans l’iconographie de personnages éminents, tels les Olympiens, faisant référence à leur pouvoir. Néanmoins, ce même motif est parfois utilisé par les auteurs et les artistes antiques pour évoquer des scènes de supplice liées au châtiment d’une démesure envers les dieux –Thésée et Pirithoos sur les sièges de l’oubli, Héra sur le trône d’or– faisant allusion de façon allégorique au sort réservé aux personnes qui ne respectent pas les lois et les règles établies par la hiérarchie officielle (divine ou humaine).
Le présent article étudie la transformation d’un thème typique de pouvoir en scène de châtiment et tâche de déterminer les conditions qui imposaient la diffusion de l’un ou de l’autre motif dans l’espace (Grèce et Italie du Sud) et dans le temps (du VIe au IVe siècle av. J.-C.).

This paper presents a comparative exploration of what effect the disruption of the standard form of narrative expression has on the reception process within an established traditional context, examining first the early Greek oral poetic tradition represented by Homeric epic, and then comparing the Athenian black-figure vase-painting tradition of the 6th century BC. The two phenomena to be examined are the narrator's apostrophe of a character in epic, which disrupts the normal flow of third-person narrative, and the frontal face in Attic black-figure vase-painting, which disrupts the normal representation of figures with profile heads.

Spectators at the sides of narrative vase paintings have long been at the mar- gins of scholarship, but a study of their appearance shows that they provide a model for the ancient viewing experience. They also reflect social and gender roles in archaic Athens. This study explores the phenomenon of spectators through a database built from a census of the Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum, which reveals that the figures flourished in Athenian vase paint- ing during the last two-thirds of the sixth century b.c.e. Using models devel- oped from psychoanalysis and the theory of the gaze, ritual studies, and gender studies, Stansbury-O’Donnell shows how these “spectators” emerge as models for social and gender identification in the archaic city, encoding in their gestures and behavior archaic attitudes about gender and status.

Scholarship on Greek symposium vessels is extensive, not least of which on the drinking cup called the kylix.  From studying scenes painted on Greek vases, we are well aware of its function as a symposium vessel, and decades of research on its form and painted decoration have provided a chronological framework and an understanding of local and regional trends as well as the painting styles of individual artists.  Further information may be gained specifically on the functionality of the kylix through experimental archaeology.  For this project, the two investigators seek to understand such practicalities as the most suitable kylix size for drinking and investigate the mechanics of playing the drinking game kottabos.  Using modern copies we will demonstrate how functional kylikes of varying sizes were and specifically address whether larger kylikes were too large to be truly used as drinking vessels or whether they were intended primarily to be display pieces.  Secondly, taking into consideration the many representations of symposiasts engaged in playing kottabos, attempts will be made to understand the skills necessary to play kottabos using a modern kylix produced using a 3-d printer (and therefore not prone to breakage).  While kylikes have been traditionally viewed by many scholars primarily as works of art with concerted attention directed towards analyzing their decoration, it is worthwhile to consider the kylix’s utilitarian function.  Our study analyzes the kylix in light of its original symposium context in an effort to elucidate its principal role as a drinking vessel.

"Over a century, the excavations conducted in the ancient city of Eretria have unearthed some ten urban sanctuaries dating from the Geometric to the end of the roman Imperial period. Although the divinities worshipped in these shrines have been most of the time identified, their functions and rituals need to be specified. At present, it remains difficult to achieve a comprehensive overview of the urban sanctuaries of Eretria.
But in the last decades, three sanctuaries have provided valuable archaeological evidence for understanding the religious practices of the Eretrians during the Geometric and Archaic Periods (8th-6th centuries BCE): the sanctuary of Apollo Daphnephoros, tutelary divinity of the city, an anonymous sacrificial area found nearby, and the sanctuary of Athena on the acropolis. Based on the archaeological evidence, it is now possible to enjoy a better understanding of the sacrifices, the vessels used for the cult, and the offerings. In this paper, I will attempt to summarize the features of ritual practice in the Archaic period. I will highlight the differences between the cults, as they seemed to be influenced by different factors, such as the personality of the divinity, the nature of the ritual, the identity of the worshipers (according to gender and social status), and the social changes that would have occurred within the religious community."

Amphiaraos-Krater: vol. 1, 1996, 609.
Arkesilas-Maler: vol. 2, 1997, 8.
Astarita-Krater: vol. 2, 1997, 117.
Caeretaner Hydrien: vol. 2, 1997, 907 f.
Chalkidische Vasenmalerei:: vol. 2, 1997, 1088 f.
Chares (5): vol. 2, 1997, 1099.
Chigi-Maler: vol. 2, 1997, 1120.
Dodwell-Maler: vol. 3, 1997, 726 f.
Eurytios-Krater: vol. 4, 1998, 306.
Gamedes: vol. 4, 1998, 776.
Inschriften-Maler: vol. 5, 1998, 836 f.
Jagd-Maler: vol. 5, 1998, 1017 f.
Kavalkade-Maler: vol. 6, 1999, 370 f.
Korinthische Vasenmalerei: vol. 6, 1999, 738–742.
Lakonische Vasenmalerei: vol. 6, 1999, 1074 f.
Paris-Maler: vol. 9, 2000, 336.
Phineus-Maler: vol. 9, 2000, 903.
Pontische Vasenmalerei: vol. 10, 2001, 138 f.
Protokorinthische Vasenmalerei: vol. 10, 2001, 464 f.
Pseudochalkidische Vasenmalerei: vol. 10, 2001, 516 f.
Schwarzfigurige Vasenmalerei II: vol. 11, 2001, 276–281.
Therikles: vol. 12, 2002, 411 f.
Timonidas: vol. 12, 2002, 594.
Tityos-Maler: vol. 12, 2002, 635.
Tydeus-Maler: vol. 12, 2002, 939 f.

First studied essentially for their iconographic representations, Greek vases were increasingly studied for their style when issues of artistic individualities and stylistic affinities became
reachable. The basis for stylistic analysis was laid down by the Italian Giovanni Morelli in a series of articles on Italian paintings published between 1874 and 1876. Adolf Furtwängler and Paul Hartwig adapted this method in the field of archaeology and John Beazley applied it systematically
to the entire production of Greek Attic vases from the sixth to fourth centuries BC. This desire to classify all vases and their painters chronologically meant paying greater attention to methods and ‘tools’ for studying and recording these ‘hands’ with more fidelity. Consequently, special attention was paid to the accurate drawing (copying) of the figures on Greek vases. Old illustrations not always equal to the ambitions of contemporary archaeologists because of their considerable
variations from the originals. Furtwängler was the first to insist on the need for a more scientific drawing of Greek vases, which would be clear of modern artistic distortions or copyist
peculiarities. He was persuaded that a good knowledge of Greek vases depended entirely on their faithful reproduction, and this conviction influenced all subsequent generations of specialists.

Hoe kwam Sparta’s koning Agesilaos tot de grootheidswaan dat hij het soevereine Rijk van de Perzische koning wel even omver kon werpen? Met kinderlijke eenvoud zet Artoxerxes de Grieken tegen elkaar op en blijft Athener Xenophon niets dan lof als Lakedaimon verslagen is en zijn dappere vriend 360/359 v.C. sterft.

New decorative techniques were invented and developed by potters and painters in the context of Athens’ intense cultural activity in the Archaic Age, especially between 530-480 B. C. Not only did they invent the red-figure technique but they also developed more intense and contrasting colours (bilingual vases, coral-red gloss, white ground, gilding, Six’s technique…). These specific productions were studied by Beth Cohen in the exhibition The Colors of Clay, presented at the Getty Museum in 2006. The current paper extends and complements my original paper given at the exhibition’s inaugural conference and published in Lapatin 2008, p. 47-60. As vases decorated in such a fashion are well attested on the Acropolis, this bears testimony to their success with local consumers and to the desire of artisans working in the Kerameikos to enhance their creations, their “new products” in honour of their goddess Athena Erganē. This observation helps to show how much this competitive need for quality and virtuosity should be considered a distinctive trait among Athenian potters and painters, and how much it was appreciated by the Athenian public. Indeed, such expertise among craftsmen invalidates the term banausoi which is an irrelevant notion in the context of the Archaic period.

En las ceremonias previas a la boda el baño es imprescindible: confiere a la recién desposada la fascinación necesaria para atraer al esposo y, al mismo tiempo, la función purificadora del agua realza las nociones de castidad y juventud. La novia arrodillada y desnuda tomando un baño se incorpora a la iconografía del casamiento hacia el 430 a.C. Antes de esa fecha la desnudez de una mujer era juzgada como negativa a diferencia del desnudo masculino, símbolo de virtud que comprendía belleza física, nobleza de nacimiento y perfección espiritual. A partir de fines del siglo V los artistas confieren al cuerpo de la novia refinadas alusiones eróticas que se justifican por el matrimonio. La imagen de la novia desnuda, con su aura de respetabilidad y compromiso social, colaboró eficazmente en la aceptación del desnudo femenino como un paradigma de virtud y la pintura sobre cerámica jugó un papel fundamental en la difusión y popularización del concepto.

The Pronomos krater undoubtedly marks the high point of the production of Greek 'theatre vases'. However, it is perhaps not exaggerated to maintain that this splendid show piece can at the same time be seen as testimony to and a symptom of a great change or – depending on one's point of view – even a crisis in Athenian theatre culture. With regard to its actual imagery, three aspects are particularly noteworthy. First: in not reproducing a scene from the play, the emphasis is transferred from the impact of the actual theatrical performance to the theatre as an institution; second: the disposition of the protagonists emphasises two sources of authority with Dionysos as the inspiring patron of the theatre and the citizens of the polis as the promoters of the performances; third: the emphasis on the satyr play is explained principally by their visual and semantic effectiveness. While it certainly cannot be said that the Pronomos vase 'has nothing to do with drama', it has, I believe, quite a lot to do with a general development in Classical Athens, one that changed dramatic performances into a stage upon which social distinction and advancement could be acquired. My brief survey of the relevant monuments, choregic and otherwise, is intended to give an idea of the enormous dynamics of this process. In retrospect, the festive gathering on the Pronomos krater represents both the farewell gathering for the theatre as a forum where polis citizens engaged in intellectual exchange, and a welcome party for the theatre as a means of individual self-praise and promotion in the public arena of the city of Athens.

Based on recent reference surveys of numerous Iberian sites located over a wide area of Lower
Aragon delimited by the southern tributaries of the River Ebro (the Regallo, Guadalope and
Matarraña rivers), we propose various hypotheses on the regional evolution of the settlements
between the mid-7th century and the third quarter of the 1st century BC. The recovery, consolidation
and excavation work carried out between 2006 and 2011 at the archaeological site of
El Taratrato (Alcañiz) likewise allows us to propose new perspectives with respect to its situation
within the framework of the local and regional population, the urban structure, defensive system,
occupation phases and imported items that may allow us to calculate more explicitly its dates of
occupation and abandonment.

Kraft gehört nicht zum etablierten Begriffskanon der antiken Kunsttheorie. Der Artikel sucht Bewegungsenergie als theoretisches wie bildpraktisches Konzept der frühgriechischen Kunst wiederzugewinnen. Ausgangspunkt ist die Schlüsselstelle in der Rhetorik des Aristoteles (Rhetorik 1411b 24ff.), in der das Prinzip sinnlicher Veranschaulichung in Sprache (enargeia)  daran illustriert wird, wie Homer die ballistische Energie (energeia) von Fluggeschossen präsentiert. Das Wort, so die hier vorgeschlagene Auslegung Aristoteles‘, vermag die Energie eines fliegenden Pfeiles abzubilden oder gar zu konstitutieren. Aristoteles‘ energeia adaptiert einen zentralen, in der Forschung jedoch marginalisierten Begriff Homers für Kraft, Wille, zielgerichteter Bewegung von Lebewesen wie auch von Projektilen im Flug: menos. Der zweite Abschnitt beschäftigt sich mit fliegenden und treffenden Pfeilen in der griechischen Vasenmalerei und Skulptur und geht der Frage nach, ob sich auch im Medium Bild adäquate Konzepte einer Energie von Wurfgeschossen finden lassen, die zugleich als Kraft der Kunst reflektiert wird. Visuelle Energie entfalten die Pfeile im Bild vor allem, wenn sie getroffen haben. Ein prominentes Motiv griechischer Skulptur sind tödlich Pfeilverwundete, darunter die Ägineten, die Niobiden und die Giganten, die sich – im Sterben – gegen den Tod durch das Geschoß auflehnen, indem sie es aus der Wunde herauszuziehen versuchen. In diesem letzten Kraft-Akt des Widerstands gegen die Waffe manifestiert sich die vitale Bildenergie des Kunstwerks.

Simple methods are tested for morphometric study of bell-kraters and applied in conjunction with the stylistic study to the bell-kraters of the Telos Group, which includes the Telos, Oxford Griphomachy, Retorted and Black Thyrsus Painters .

Se ensayan métodos simples de estudio morfométrico para las cráteras de campana y se aplica, conjuntamente con el estudio estilístico a las cráteras de campana del Grupo de Telos, que incluye a los pintores de Telos, de la Grifomaquia de Oxford, del Bizco y del Tirso Negro.

Bien que la céramique grecque, plus que toute autre forme de production antique, fournisse un répertoire abondant de signatures, de nombreux peintres resteraient anonymes s’ils n’avaient reçu de la part de leur inventeur des noms de convention, construits sur le modèle de ceux des Primitifs italiens. Ainsi baptisées, ces personnalités artistiques sont devenues aussi proches et familières aux spécialistes et aux étudiants que celles d’un Euphronios ou d’un Exékias. Mais leurs noms, outils du connoisseurship sans cesse manipulés, ne sont ni neutres, ni innocents; au contraire, issus de la subjectivité d’un savant, de sa culture et de son expérience intime, ils exercent une influence déterminante sur la vision de ses successeurs, par les hiérarchies implicites qu’ils expriment et la part de description qu’ils contiennent. Au cœur d’une pratique qui use de l’imagination autant que du regard, les noms de convention –dont on ne saurait se passer-  peuvent revêtir une valeur poétique ou performative qu’il est important d’identifier.