History and Memory

In Sicilia, il romanzo storico incarna una parte consistente dell’identità e delle ideologie dominanti sin dall’Unità del 1861. Dopo la morte di Sciascia, l’avvio della fortuna di Camilleri e l’uscita del romanzo "La lunga vita di Marianna Ucrìa" di Dacia Maraini, gli anni Novanta prestano la scena a numerosi ripensamenti, sospingono e incoraggiano una dislocazione della Sicilia storico-letteraria fissata in stereotipi e formule stantie.
Sopraggiunta la fine dei generi, sembra aprirsi anche per la letteratura siciliana la stagione del genere. Questo libro guarda al romanzo della Storia nel luogo Sicilia – meta fisica, mentale, simbolica – scrutando l’universo di alcune autrici capaci di lasciare segnali indelebili sul corpo di una scrittura in continua evoluzione, proprio a partire dagli anni Novanta. Attraverso analisi testuali e riflessioni teoriche, nascono ipotesi e domande. Cosa significa interrogarsi sulla condizione delle donne attraverso la scrittura? Si può davvero parlare di ‘differenza di genere’ per le narrazioni a firma femminile in Sicilia? Qual è il peso dell’orizzonte discorsivo radicatosi con la creazione (anche letteraria) di una regione ‘colonizzata’ dal Nord dopo l’unificazione? E poi, quale contributo offrono oggi queste scritture alla nostra percezione del genere storico?
Le storie e microstorie qui esaminate escono dal territorio sicuro della tradizione spostandone il baricentro, intridono la lingua di miti, dialetti e interferenze documentarie, dialogano con i fantasmi letterari dei padri, evocano umanità non convenzionali, ritrovano voci femminili e maschili perdute. Ma soprattutto rompono, consapevolmente o meno, l’ossatura culturale e ideologica di un certo immaginario potente, paradigmatico, consolatorio.

Kriege und moderne militärische Konflikte bergen das wirkmächtige Potential den Verlauf der Geschichte in einer derart gestauchten chronologischen Abfolge der Geschehnisse zu verändern, die es für Gesellschaften schwer macht, sie in ihrer Gesamtheit und ihren überaus komplexen Konsequenzen zu fassen. Mindestens ebenso schwierig ist es für kleinere sozialen Entitäten, die blutigen, schockierenden, traumatischen und tieftraurigen persönlichen Erfahrungen, die ein Krieg mit sich bringt, zu begreifen. Dennoch sind die Assoziationen, die mit dem historischen Ereignis und der Erfahrung Krieg einhergehen, vielfältiger und facettenreicher, als man zunächst annehmen könnte. Wie das Kriegsgeschehen und sein mittelbares sowie unmittelbares Nachspiel erlebt werden, ist abhängig davon, aus welcher Perspektive man einen Krieg und seinen Ausgang erlebt. Welche Motive ein Staat, eine Nation oder eine Gesellschaft gehabt hat, die Krieg führte, mit welchem Ergebnis dieser Krieg zu einem Ende kam und welche kollektiven oder auch persönlichen Erfahrungen mit ebendiesem Kriegsende verbunden waren, spielt daher die maßgebliche Rolle, wenn man über die Rezeptionsgeschichte und die Erinnerungskultur einer Nation an einen Krieg spricht und sich dieser Problematik mithilfe eines kunsthistorischen, archäologischen, architektonischen oder auch soziologischen Zugangs nähert.

In cultural and intellectual terms, one of the EU’s most important objectives in pursuing unification has been to develop a common historical narrative of Europe. Across ten compelling case studies, this volume examines the premises underlying such a project to ask: Could such an uncontested history of Europe ever exist? Combining studies of national politics, supranational institutions and the fraught EU−Mideast periphery with a particular focus on the twentieth century, this volume offers a fascinating survey of the attempt to forge a post-national identity politics.

Drawing on ethnographic data collected in a coastal village in southwestern Madagascar, the work explores the concept of memory through a study of contemporary hospitality practices aimed towards western tourists and other outsiders. The key observation is that memory is shaped by the interactions between two forms of colonial legacy. One is defined by the socially inscribed memory of past relations with powerful outsiders, mediated through myth and oral history. The other is defined by socially incorporated practices formed in the pre-colonial and colonial realms of the 19th and 20th centuries (and hence constitute a memory of such pasts in the present), and that today shift in the context of contact with western tourists and other foreigners. The main argument is that socially inscribed memory provides a highly flexible operational metaphor to mediate and also reproduce the socially incorporated practice-memory of hospitality, especially when historical symbolic functions – for example domesticating royals, colonial administrators, settlers, merchants or clerics – are shifted into contemporary contact zones with western tourists.

Using the framework of centripetal and centrifugal force, this article analyzes alternating periods of peace and conflict in South Korea-Japan mutual perceptions since 1998 when the two nations took unprecedented conciliatory actions. Centripetal force is comprised of political leaders' reconciliation initiatives, restrained historical/territorial disputes, and common security threats. Centrifugal force incorporates heated historical/territorial disputes, political leaders' use of those disputes for their political purposes, and divergent security priorities. This article suggests that top political leaders in both nations can play a significant role in improving or aggravating mutual perceptions between the two neighbors. However, political leaders' conciliatory initiatives are a necessary but insufficient condition in reconciling the two former adversary states.

The elite of Renaissance Italy learnt much about the newly discovered Americas
from the journals of explorer Christopher Columbus and from the accounts from the
Venetian scholar and explorer Antonio Pigafetta. It was during the exploration of
Patagonia, that Pigafetta encountered the Taíno people. He would subsequently
write about what he witnessed, and thus his journal is the first European account of
the Taíno culture and the Cohoba ritual. The Florentine artist Giovanni Stradano,
would be one of the first artists to use this account and depict this ritual.
In his print of Magellan in the Americae Retectio folio, Stradano depicted a Taíno
man putting an arrow down his throat. This is a misrepresentation of the Cohoba
ritual, which involves purging. This depiction would have seemed fantastical,
devilish, and pagan to the Catholic beliefs of the Florentine elite. Although the Taíno
people still exist, and many still practice the Cohoba ritual, they and their culture
had been forgotten in Europe until anthropologists and archaeologists returned to
research South American native culture. This paper examines how the Cohoba
ritual of the Taíno was remembered in the accounts of Pigafetta and the imagery of
Renaissance Italy, in comparison with modern ethnographic evidence.

The essay aims to analyze how the past is appropriated in the European Public Sphere and which institutions, media and actors are involved in Public History practices. In contrast to the Anglo-Saxon world, a variety of Public History discourses and practices emerged in continental Europe where the English term was rarely translated or deployed: only very rarely are "applied historians" or Public Historians practicing the discipline in a self-conscious manner. In Europe, Public History is often linked to collective identities at different levels: from local memories to the construction of regional, national and pan-European "Heimats" and "realms of memory". Thus, Europeans create multi-dimensional identities and traditions that are based upon Public History activities. This essay identifies the presence in the "polis", of Public History and Public Historians "without the name", using two case-studies, that of national history museums, and that of the emotional perception of the U.S. Civil War in Europe.

This study explores the basic transformations of the Holocaust-memory in France on the basis of French fiction films that are to be identified as part of cinematography of the Holocaust. The chosen approach that can be described as a history of memory referring to models of collective memory in cultural science studies. The aim is to specify the change of collective memory at the level of the particular filmic narratives and - by doing so – to identify and to analyze the long term development and ruptures in the French culture of remembrance since 1945. 
The empiric part of this study is preceded by methodological reflections that on the one hand permit a clear and differentiating application of the terms used in the current cultural studies of collective memory. On the other hand this chapter should help to conceive the material of research “Fiction Film” as primal source for historical science. The investigation is divided into five chronological parts and involves altogether a sample of 50 films into the general study before electing cases for deeper analyses.
The first section (1945-69) which is generally well covered by the research to date is paying particular attention to the creation and the formation of different formations of collective memory in France, a process that has left its prints in the early films about the Holocaust. The focus is laid on the complex relationship of national memory and other political collective memories as well as particular social memories which is forming the background of the creation of a Holocaust-memory in a strict sense at the begin of the 1960ies.
The second – primarily concerning the 1970ies – section is dealing with a central momentum of modification of collective long term memory in France. The cinema of this period is to understand as prominent forum of discourses which does not only reflect the ongoing transformation from Résistance dominated memory into a Holocaust dominated memory but also significantly stimulating this shift. Film as one influencing value in a public-democratic sphere of collective memory is documenting on various (visual + narrative) levels the decline of the herocentric national remembrance towards a transnational victim based Holocaust memory. In the following third period which is located in the 1980ies and 1990ies this fundamental transformation is continuously specified and at the same time showing consequences. In the broader context of continuous medialization and politicization of the Holocaust on an international level the study is concentrating on three elements of the transformation in collective Holocaust remembrance: Universalization, Americanization and Victimization.
The fourth section is for a moment dislocating its focus, as it turns from the production of French film to the public and intellectual reception of the most successful international Holocaust films in the 1990ies as well as the continued dispute over the appropriate representation of the Holocaust.
The last part of the empiric part is locating and defining current tendencies in the filmic representation of the Holocaust in French cinema. The author is taking into account films presented until the year 2010.
Besides a general description of the sometimes very divergent evolution of the cinematic-taking reference to the Shoah in France, the study continues to relate selected examples to general phenomena of social intercourse with the past, especially the "Patrimonialisation" (Pierre Nora), and the Sacralization and the Re -politicization of history.
The diachronically oriented investigation - so far are sparse on the subject of research - and the wide coverage radius of empirical data prove - regarding the reconstruction and analysis of individual changes and constellations of collective memory formation - as very fruitful. Result of the present study is a extended and comprehensive history of the Holocaust Memory in France since 1945.

When Yugoslavia was invaded by Nazi Germany and its allies in April 1941, what followed was as much a Yugoslav civil war as a war of occupation and liberation. Several hundred-thousand civilians were killed by other Yugoslavs in large-scale massacres or concentration camps, and the horrific events left the country ruined and deeply divided.
USABLE HISTORY? examines the way in which the history of Yugoslavia's internal problematic past was presented and used politically, and asks how a society can cope with such an "unmasterable" history. How did Yugoslav historians and politicians represent and explain this history and how did these representations interact with the cultural developments, political demands and societal needs? By investigating political documents, histioriography and popular representations of history such as films, songs and literature, the book reveals a disturbing narrative of historical (mis)interpretation and (mis)use.

This dissertation investigates the social world of contemporary filmmakers in the Middle East and the way they use visual media to re-imagine existent forms of identity, envision new modes of social agency, and transform public culture in the face of dramatic instability. In the wake of the Lebanese civil war and through the tenuous postwar period, video art and experimental documentary have critiqued the politics of representation and negotiated the theoretical and structural difficulties in representing the war. These artists have activated intersections where experimental media has generated a vibrant visual culture by both building on local notions of cosmopolitanism and by participating in transnational sites of postcolonial representation. Methodologically, I employ ethnography to grapple with the public culture of Beirut as a site of avant-garde experimentation, but also to examine the city as a contested site affected by periods of rapid growth, intense violence, and urban reconstruction. To explain this cultural phenomenon, I advance the idea of ‘post-orientalist aesthetic’ to describe a mode of intellectual critique and artistic style that goes beyond Edward Said’s critique to give greater attention to self-representation in the post-911 period. This aesthetic interrogates western representational practices and also develops a localized critical analysis of Middle Eastern visual culture. This aesthetic informs a better understanding of postwar subjectivity, particularly in the way memory and lived experience becomes mediated through the materiality of objects, images, and architecture affectively inscribed with destruction and violence. The notion of the archive or the personal collection becomes of particular interest here; especially in the way these artifacts embody personalized narratives and testimonials that push back from abstracted notions of a monolithic historical narrative. Drawing on visual anthropology, media ethnography, and nonwestern film theory, this text examines the way these artists challenge realist modes of representation by utilizing both ethnographic and artistic approaches to grapple with the experience of everyday violence. In order to explore methodologies for conducting visual research in conflict zones, I conclude with an experimental auto-ethnography that appropriates these aesthetics in an effort to interrogate my positionality as an American researcher in the Middle East.

Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East (2019) 39 (2): 313–327
The article, based on two years of fieldwork, examines the meaning of displacement for Palestinian citizens of Israel who live in Jaffa. Specifically, it focuses on one key site, the Clock Tower Square, historically a hub of Palestinian urban economy. The discussion follows a group of local Palestinian activists who consciously chose the square to stage protests, thus reclaiming Arab Jaffa's material heritage and directly challenging recent histories of spatial expropriation by the Israeli state, the Tel Aviv municipality, and real estate developers. The analysis below also proposes a multiscalar understanding of these protests as a reclamation of Jaffa's Arab heritage as well as an act of remapping the nation and its colonized homeland. In this sense, the Clock Tower Square activists produce “wishful landscapes” that work to undermine the colonizer's project of normalizing occupation.

Przysługujący widmom wywrotowy, niemalże rewolucyjny potencjał został odsunięty oraz zagubiony poprzez pozbycie się tej kontrowersyjnej kategorii z terytorium metafizyki i zbyt pośpieszne odesłanie jej do przestrzeni badań nad literaturą, sprowadzając ją jedynie do roli użytecznego, bezpiecznego narzędzia interpretacji.

Książka Andrzeja Marca odzyskuje niepokojący charakter widmontologii i ponownie wprowadza widma do myśli metafizycznej. Czym nawiedzona i przeniknięta jest tradycyjna metafizyka, co właściwie ją dręczy, nie daje spokoju oraz nieustannie podmywa jej stabilność?

Kategoria widma Derridy posłużyła Marcowi przede wszystkim do rozważań nad charakterem współczesności i przeobrażeń, jakie dokonały się w obrębie myśli ponowoczesnej. Współczesna kultura, zdaniem Marca, stała się miejscem powstawania widm, nieustannie powracających z przeszłości. Uznając, że nie jesteśmy już w stanie tworzyć utopijnych wizji przyszłości, autor stara się zdać sprawę z widmowego charakteru współczesnej kultury, analizując m. in. strategie vintage, retro, nurt no future w kulturze lat 70. czy nurt fantastyki naukowej w literaturze.

The monograph dedicated to the analysis of the politics of history in Ukraine, 'Eastern Europe', and 'Western Europe' in the 1980s - 2010s. Rich empirical material, detailed analysis of roles and performances of state (President, government, local governing bodies, and non-governmental) actors (NGOs, political parties, media, historians),

The outbreak of World War II in Poland and the subsequent formation of the underground state saw women’s massive involvement in the war effort. Women engaged in the resistance movement not only as civilians providing help to soldiers, but many also entered the Home Army and performed the tasks of nurses, couriers, intelligence agents and even saboteurs and minelayers. Eventually, women’s service was legally acknowledged as military service equal to that of men. Despite women’s vast participation in the Warsaw Uprising, works on the event written after the war did not integrate them into the historical record. Women insurgents are entirely absent from history textbooks and rarely mentioned in renowned monographs of the uprising. If they appear in these works, they are usually cast as background characters and very often lack necessary biographical information. Several efforts to write women back into the history of the uprising were undertaken by female combatants themselves, who sought to document women’s participation and commemorate various “women worthies.”Recently, a growing interest in female insurgents can be observed, albeit mostly in the field of public history and not in academia.
While the aforementioned efforts certainly made female insurgents visible, they were not informed by a gender perspective and sought to merely add women to the official narrative of the past. By introducing gender as a category of analysis, this book seeks to transform the narrative itself. The main aim of this book is to analyze the gender politics of the Warsaw Uprising: the way specific notions of femininity and masculinity were used by the military to mobilize men and women for the war effort and at the same time sustain the masculine character of the army. Drawing on both biographical materials (interviews and written testimonies of former insurgents) and archival research (military document sand daily press issued during the uprising), the book exposes the various militarized roles women were encouraged to play in the uprising: as patriotic mothers, embodiments of national identity, auxiliaries and soldiers. By analyzing military gender-specific policies as well as representations of female and male service in public discourse, it also sheds light on women’s limited inclusion into the ranks and their subordinate position in relation to male soldiers. It argues that while the army made extensive use of women’s work, their participation failed to challenge the gender order, since their tasks were described as feminine and endowed with lower prestige than male combat roles. While looking at the dominant discourse on the Warsaw Uprising through feminist lens, this book also seeks to suggest ways in which the memory of the insurgency could be reframed in order to include women and their experiences.

Este artículo explora de manera pormenorizada de cómo ha sido la incorporación de la dictadura cívico-militar en el espacio público. Detalla la lenta evolución, precisando coyunturas y acontecimientos, de la ubicación en la memoria pública de los distintos segmentos de la sociedad victimizada. Hacer de sus circunstancias una memoria compartida no ha sido sencillo, y menos aún en lo que corresponde al exilio político. Se estudia entonces el relativo olvido del exilio en el espacio público, así como los lugares de memoria que le han sido dedicados.

Memorias mapuche.
En este libro se presentan los testimonios de siete mujeres mapuche y los procesos de sus memorias tras la desaparición forzada de sus familiares durante la dictadura militar chilena. Con esta investigación se plantean nuevos desafíos para profundizar y comprender el fenómeno de los detenidos desaparecidos mapuche, enfatizando en el impacto que provocó la violencia de la dictadura en las dimensiones sociales, políticas y culturales.

This article explores the role of literature and romantic nationalism in the creation of nations as this applies to the Faroese nation, in particular the case of the poet Nólsoyar Páll.
It is the ambition to discuss how literature can be a medium of collective identity-making, as it involves the canonisation of what is termed cultural saints (i.e. the heroic, mythological,
and legendary figures who are seen as founders of communities). The article will give an introduction to the research that considers the dynamics of selected vernacular writers, artists or scholars for inclusion into the canon of cultural sainthood. The following will
link a hitherto underexplored part of European romanticism to the developing theory of how durable forms of memory, such as public monuments, banknotes, hagiographies, are constructed.

Il saggio descrive i rapporti di Giuseppe Mazzini con la massoneria e analizza poi l'uso pubblico che la massoneria fece di Mazzini dopo la sua morte (1872) e il contributo che essa dette alla costruzione del suo mito e alla diffusione delle sue idee politiche.

Political revolutions are, by their very nature, contested events, and liable to remain the subject of conflicting interpretations long after they have turned the existing order upside down and spun it around. This is especially so when they have been violent in their making and then evolved through further cycles of violence and repression, leaving large numbers of people dead and even more traumatised and intimidated into silence. The Zanzibar Revolution is a case in point, and this edited volume, published in association with the French Institute for Research in Africa (IFRA), grapples with collective and individual memories of the events of 12 January 1964 and their aftermath, and the continuing reverberations of these in the everyday life of Zanzibaris both home and abroad.

Social Memory, Silenced Voices, and Political Struggle begins and ends with reflections on the official commemoration of the 50th anniversary of the revolution in 2014, firstly in the editors’ thought-provoking introduction (‘Memory, media, and Mapinduzi: alternative voices of revolution, fifty years later’), latterly in a series of 15 black-and-white photographs by Ania Gruca (‘Capturing the commemoration: a documentary photo essay on the 50th anniversary of the revolution’). Anniversaries provide the islands’ government with a regular opportunity to reproduce its founding narrative, just in case its name (Serikali ya Mapinduzi ya Zanzibar, the Revolutionary Government of Zanzibar) and longstanding slogan (Mapinduzi Daima!, Revolution Forever!) weren’t reminder enough.

Esse artigo propõe-se a analisar o filme "Operação Cajueiro – Um carnaval de torturas" (2014). A partir disso, busca apresentar argumentos que evidenciem o papel da obra na fixação de uma contranarrativa que tensiona a versão estatal construída à época da operação militar, resgatada recentemente, e contribui na disputa pela formação de uma memória coletiva sobre o período de ditadura militar no Brasil e em Sergipe. Para tanto, realizou-se análise fílmica e pesquisa bibliográfica. Por fim, constatou-se que este documentário expressa o tema em consonância com o conhecimento historiográfico disponível, resgata memórias subterrâneas e é mais um instrumento apto a propiciar a reestruturação da memória coletiva, ao expor uma narrativa que contrasta com o discurso estatal do período ditatorial.

Sur  Martin Ruef, Between Slavery and Capitalism. The Legacy of Emancipation in the American South, Princeton et Oxford, Princeton University Press, 2014 ; Alex Gourevitch, From Slavery to the Cooperative Commonwealth. Labor and republican Liberty in the Nineteenth Century, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2014 ; Céline Flory, De l’esclavage à la liberté forcée. Histoire des travailleurs engagés dans la Caraïbe française au XIXe siècle, Paris, Karthala / Société des Africanistes, 2015.

This chapter investigates whether the Holocaust was the catalyst for the adoption of a number of seminal texts in the postwar 'human rights revolution', including the United Nations Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and and the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). An examination of published and archival source material reveals that the negotiations over the drafting of these documents were marked by a total or near-total silence on the mass murder of Jews. The article concludes with an analysis of why during the drafting process the framers of these texts, including Jewish delegates whose family members had been killed in the Holocaust, refrained from invoking the slaughter of European Jewry at the same time as they called attention to other Nazi crimes.

[For a more in-depth analysis of the Holocaust origins of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, see my 2012 article in the Journal of Genocide Research]

In the 25 years since the re-establishment of Baltic independence from the Soviet Union, there has been no conclusive public conversation, or “coming to terms with the past” with respect to crimes against Latvian and other persecuted groups under Communism. This paper examines how national politicians, members of the European Parliament in Brussels, representatives of Latvia’s Russian-speaking minority, and the Russian government have engaged in a difficult, long-overdue conversation. Conflicting historical narratives about victimhood are at the heart of these disagreements. Special emphasis is given to Latvia’s historical narrative, its development over the past 25 years, and the way it challenges Russia’s interpretation of history. I argue that Latvian memory politics at the European level are a continuation of Latvia’s quest for acknowledgment of its victimhood, thereby trying to finish the process started in the late 1980s when Balts first demanded acknowledgment of human rights violations they had suffered under the Soviet regime. Latvia’s methods of transitional justice are examined, arguing that its memory politics at the European level are an extension of steps taken at the national level to come to terms with the past and to increase its negotiating power against Russia’s neo-Soviet historical narrative.

Intervention présentée lors de la journée d'étude "Mémoires honteuses. Les chrétiens européens face à leurs passés embarrassants", organisée par Laurent Ropp à l'Université du Mans, laboratoire TEMOS, le 9 novembre 2021.

En 1623, les réformés de la ville de Sommières profitent du départ de la garnison de la ville à la demande du connétable pour y inviter le duc de Rohan et réclamer aux catholiques la restitution du temple perdu lors de la reddition de la place. Un auteur pro-catholique, qui fait le récit de cet événement, met particulièrement en avant une altercation survenue entre les réformés, menés par leur ministre Chauve, et le jésuite Cavaignac. Présentant les protestants comme des fauteurs de trouble, il les dépeint comme incapable de discuter, et attachés à déformer de façon scandaleuse les arguments pourtant légitimes du père jésuite. Mais pour appuyer son propos, l’auteur affirme que leurs erreurs d’interprétation s’expliquent par le fait qu’ils se trouvent « cours de memoire à retenir ce que le pere avoit dit bien bellement ».
Une telle expression est significative : elle relève d’une conception de l’entendement héritée de la fin du Moyen Âge selon laquelle la faculté mémorielle, parce qu’elle est en mesure de regrouper et d’ordonner les informations, est la première des facultés intellectuelles, et son principal moyen de médiation avec le monde extérieur. C’est parce que les réformés ont une mémoire défectueuse, y compris pour les événements immédiats, qu’ils sont ici incapables de mener une action politique juste. Cette intervention, en se penchant non sur l’élaboration d’une mémoire du passé des guerres de religion dans la période de l’après-édit de Nantes, mais sur les mécanismes de qualification du rapport à ce passé et à la faculté mémorielle elle-même par le pouvoir royal, voudrait donc explorer une hypothèse : l’un des moyens de l’expression par le pouvoir royal d’une domination sur les réformés français, et dès lors l’un des outils de l’anéantissement largement documenté de leur faculté d’action politique partisane, résiderait dans la qualification honteuse de l’entendement des réformés, et, en particulier, par une attaque portée sur leur recours politique à la faculté mémorielle.
Pour tester cette hypothèse, nous voudrions dans un premier temps revenir sur l’expression, dans les sources, de ces défauts d’entendement et de mémoire chez les huguenots. Présente dès le début du règne de Louis XIII, l’accusation d’une mémoire défectueuse est utilisée par les agents du pouvoir royal pour critiquer la réception par les huguenots des mesures prises sur les questions de religion. Avec la hausse des tensions, et en particulier les guerres de Rohan, la question de la mémoire sélective, puis défectueuse –volontairement ou pas– des huguenots devient un ressort polémique courant, consistant à mettre en avant les moyens réformés de dire le passé, les événements choisis et la façon de les mettre en relation avec le présent, puis à les contester en affichant leurs prétendues incohérences. On montrera toutefois que cette question du rapport au passé des huguenots, en particulier en tant qu’il conduit à choisir, et surtout, à omettre certains événements est avant tout pensé comme un motif politique, que l’on retrouve du reste tant chez les royalistes que chez certains réformés eux-mêmes. Mettant en évidence qu’on se place, pour reprendre l’expression de Duplessis-Mornay « depuis une eschauguette », il permet à ceux qui le mobilisent de mettre par comparaison en avant la supériorité de leur propre construction mémorielle, permettant alors, dans le contexte de la monarchie de raison, de prétendre orienter les décisions des acteurs.
Mais le motif de la mémoire réformée défaillante devient progressivement un moyen de requalifier la place des réformés au sein du royaume, à une époque de recomposition profonde des relations politiques entre le souverain et ses sujets. En effet, on observe dans les sources huguenotes une adoption de plus en plus systématique du motif royal de la mémoire réformée défectueuse, souvent sollicitée, explicitement ou pas, par le pouvoir monarchique lui-même. Cette incapacité à comprendre les événements devient de plus en plus spontanément accolée aux réformés, et la nécessité de reconnaître publiquement cette incapacité figure de plus en plus systématiquement dans la rhétorique des sources protestantes. C’est alors que l’idée de « mémoire honteuse » prend tout son sens : en faisant de cette honte face à la défaillance réformée de la mémoire un lieu commun politique, le pouvoir royal inscrit les protestants dans une démarche perpétuelle de pénitence publique. Faisant se répéter inlassablement, et inscrivant par là-même dans la mémoire collective l’idée que les réformés, par ignorance et défaillance mémorielle, s’étaient rebellés contre leur roi, le souverain leur impose une contrition perpétuelle qui lui permet de se poser véritablement comme Louis le Juste, opérateur d’une miséricorde royale de plus en plus sacralisée. La mémoire défaillante, parce qu’elle a été objet politique, devient objet de honte ; la culpabilisation publique à laquelle elle donne lieu se substitue désormais, pour les réformés, à l’action politique.

This article seeks to demonstrate how the myth of Troy is still relevant to modern-day European culture and identity, drawing on Gregor Feindt et al.’s concept of “entangled memory” as a theoretical foundation. In order to support this claim, it discusses Wolfgang Petersen’s movie Troy (2004), the successful exhibition Troy—Dream and Reality that opened in Germany in 2001; the heated debate sparked by this exhibition among German scholars; and the political discussion about Turkey’s unsuccessful application for membership in the European Union, in which references to Troy played a surprising role.

Resumo O artigo contextualiza transformações que vivenciamos neste início de século, nos centros urbanos metropolitanos. Tomamos por exemplo a cidade de São Paulo, onde analisamos dois edifícios - o Museu de Arte de São Paulo (MASP) e o edifício corporativo Pátio Victor Malzoni -, referenciais em avenidas paulistanas de perfil acentuadamente empresarial, nos quais o uso de espaços de transição se notabiliza como instrumento de integração ao ambiente público, e pelo caráter de preservação da cultura. Neste cenário, as iniciativas para a conservação do patrimônio cultural são esparsas, e sua relevância se dá na medida que observamos o problema da perda de identidade local naquelas áreas em que ações de preservação não foram consideradas. Cabe ressaltar que adotaremos o conceito de patrimônio cultural imaterial, conforme definição da Unesco - que incorpora o termo "lugar cultural" -, entendendo a preservação para além do objeto concreto, como mantenedora de um sentido de identificação e memória.

This paper begins with a survey of scholarship on television history and history on television in Spain. It goes on to sketch two theoretical models of history and television. Finally it offers a close reading of the most viewed event in Spanish television, the mini-series recreating the attempted coup known as 23-F, stressing such dissonant motifs as the feminization of the monarch and the blurring of the pseudo-documentary genre with soap opera and game show. Finally, it argues that, in spite of the 'presentism' and nostalgia typical of its medium, this mini-series reinforces a perception of shared experience and collective memory that is not incompatible with progressive social change.

Everybody is born into a family. Each has its own history, therefore, 'our history' is not made by us, but by previous generations. The rise of International migration and the crumbling of family structures, however, only make it harder for descendants to learn about their family history. Inhibited by language and geographical barriers as well as lost connections to the bearers of knowledge, many offspring of migrant families year for answers to questions such as 'Where do I come from?' or 'How did I get here?' Answering these requires re-establishing lost connections and meeting family one previously did not know. This paper illustrates how the juxtaposition of two generations of Chinese Australian migrants' narrative (a 'pioneer migrant' and an 'overseas born Chinese' are vital to piecing together a segment of family history.

This article is a conversation between five specialists of veterans’ history on the current direction of the field and its importance to the study of war and society. The discussants offer an an overview of current methodologies, definitions and historiographical approaches. Concentrating on the experiences of twentieth-century veterans (particularly after 1945) and using a diverse range of case studies from across the world, this article also asks what connections bound veteran communities together, and how we as historians might conceptualise veterans: as a class, as a collective, or as a far looser grouping of individuals? Finally, this article explores what distinguishes veteranhood after 1945 and the evolving relationship between veterans and the memory of conflict.