Ideology

ABSTRACT Since the signing of the Belfast Good Friday Agreement of 1998, Northern Ireland has made significant progress towards a postcolonising transformation of its political culture and its major political and social institutions, as it has shifted away from violence and the dominance of political ideologies structured by the friend–enemy distinction. These ideological formations and the practices of social and political antagonism that they prescribed have been challenged by adversary–neighbour ideological formations that construct identities and relations through more inclusive norms of recognition and that support a more complex emotional constellation. However, as this cultural transformation has been neither thoroughgoing nor universal, Northern Ireland finds itself in the somewhat counter-intuitive situation in which the shift away from the violence of the past has increased, rather than reduced, the ontological insecurity of its citizens. Moreover, as ontological security may be supported by either friend–enemy or adversary–neighbour ideological formations, two distinct ways in which ontological security may collapse or re-configure have emerged in Northern Ireland.

This research is dealing with  the relationship between authoritarian state-building and ideology in contemporary Russia.  The collapse of the Soviet Union introduced a period of remarkable economic and political changes, but also of a turmoil and uncertainty for many. Unlike the Soviet Union, Russian Federation was a state without official ideology. However, when Putin's attempts to  consolidate the Russian regime along the authoritarian lines, resulted in  harsh Western critique, the need for new sources of legitimation emerged.  To deal with this critique and to thwart the perceived threats of colored revolution in Russia financed and supported by the West, Russian authorities adopted various strategies that combined a political, administrative and intellectual assault on the opposition and Western democratic ideals. An important element of these strategies was an attempt to supply ideological justifications for Russia's undemocratic regime. This attempt included both the de-legitimation of the idea of liberal democracy and the formulation of alternative conception that would legitimize Putin's regime. The latter became known as "sovereign democracy"

L’idéologie est partout, le mot est si galvaudé que le concept s’est comme évaporé : on dit qu’une grève est idéologique pour éviter de dire qu’elle a d’autres raisons qu’une stricte revendication. On dit qu’une réforme est idéologique pour éviter de dire qu’elle s’inscrit dans la grande reprise en main autoritaire et libérale actuelle. Ce livre éclaire la notion d’idéologie, tout d’abord en précisant ce qu’elle n’est pas : ni une surface miroitante et trompeuse jetée par-dessus le réel qu’elle masquerait à des spectateurs consommateurs hypnotisés. Ni une superstructure mécaniquement déterminée par sa base économique et sociale, vision qui est celle d’un « marxisme » abâtardi. Isabelle Garo prend le contre-pied de ces interprétations convenues. Elle suit l’évolution de Marx sur la question de l’idéologie – depuis L’Idéologie allemande jusqu’au Capital – et elle en propose la poursuite contemporaine. Cette confrontation passé/présent montre que l’idéologie ne peut pas se définir une fois pour toutes, qu’elle est inséparablement liée aux affrontements et aux conflits d’idées d’un moment, au domaine des luttes et à celui des analyses théoriques. « Il s’agit d’arracher la notion d’idéologie à toute tentative de définition figée et de lui rendre sa capacité à débusquer les contradictions profondes qui reconduisent sans cesse les idées dominantes à l’ensemble d’un mode de production ».

A growing and widely held assumption is that digital communication technologies enable average citizens to participate in politics more easily, actively and directly than in traditional ways. The Internet in this framework, from blogs and video post to social media and mobile apps, breaks down barriers for political participation. The idea is that the Internet is a non-hierarchical democratic space where people can access, create and act on political information in a broader range of activities, whether as part of election campaigns, online petitions, digital activism or even revolutionary change. In this thinking, it is increasingly the individual who participates in digital politics without the involvement of a civic group or political party. Put together, this creates a more democratic scenario in which individuals exercise freedom of expression in a networked, horizontal and participatory digital network without bureaucratic, organizational or state intervention. I call this philosophy around the Internet ‘Silicon Valley Ideology’, which has proliferated along with the mass diffusion of social media technologies. The contradiction in this ideology, however, is that these institutionalized beliefs in egalitarian political participation mask the realities of structural inequalities. Silicon Valley Ideology builds on theories that challenge the folly of free markets, Internet utopianism, and egalitarian citizenship. The rise of the Internet has not only coincided with the rise of technological advancements, but it has also run parallel with the rise of neoliberal, market-based politics and economies in which individual rights are at the core of neoliberal ideology. However, class-based capitalist societies are not based on the individual but on hegemonic forces linking the market, the state and civil society. Yet part of the Silicon Valley Ideology is to keep the state’s hands off the Internet and not to intervene, censor or monitor personal Internet activities. Yet this philosophy is in conflict with any state support for full social citizenship, Internet or otherwise. Citizenship in a neoliberal age of digital politics often marginalizes the poor and working class, resulting in a digital politics gap.

Andrei Znamenski argues that socialism arose out of activities of secularized apocalyptic sects, the Enlightenment tradition, and dislocations produced by the Industrial Revolution. He examines how, by the 1850s, Marx and Engels made the socialist creed “scientific” by linking it to “history laws” and inventing the proletariat—the “chosen people” that were to redeem the world from oppression. Focusing on the fractions between social democracy and communism, Znamenski explores why, historically, socialism became associated with social engineering and centralized planning. He explains the rise of the New Left in the 1960s and its role in fostering the cultural left that came to privilege race and identity over class. Exploring the global retreat of the left in the 1980s–1990s and the “great neoliberalism scare,” Znamenski also analyzes the subsequent renaissance of socialism in wake of the 2007–2008 crisis

“Power is war, the continuation of war by other means”: Foucault’s reversal of Clausewitz’s formula has become a staple of critical theory — but it remains highly problematic on a conceptual level. Elaborated during Foucault’s 1976 lectures (“Society Must Be Defended”), this work-hypothesis theorises “basic warfare” [la guerre fondamentale] as the teleological horizon of socio-political relations. Following Boulainvilliers, Foucault champions this polemological approach, conceived as a purely descriptive discourse on “real” politics and war, against the philosophico-juridical conceptuality attached to liberal society (Hobbes’s Leviathan being here the prime example).
However, in doing so, Foucault did not interrogate the conceptual validity of notions such as power and war, therefore interlinking them without questioning their ontological status. This problematic conflation was partly rectified in 1982, as Foucault proposed a more dynamic definition of power relations: “actions over potential actions”.
I argue, somewhat polemically, that Foucault’s hermeneutics of power still involves a teleological violence, dependent on a polemological representation of human relations as essentially instrumental: this resembles what Derrida names, in “Heidegger’s Ear”, an “anthropolemology”. However, I show that all conceptualisation of power implies its self-deconstruction. This self-deconstructive (or autoimmune) structure supposes an archi-originary unpower prior to power: power presupposes an excess within power, an excessive force, another violence making it both possible and impossible. There is something within power located “beyond the power principle” (Derrida). This (self-)excess signifies a limitless resistantiality co-extensive with power-relationality. It also allows the reversal of pólemos into its opposite, as unpower opens politics and warfare to the messianic call of a pre-political, pre-ontological disruption: the archi-originary force of différance. This force, unconditional, challenges Foucault’s conceptualisations of power, suggesting an originary performativity located before or beyond hermeneutics of power-knowledge, disrupting theoreticity as well as empiricity by pointing to their ontological complicity.
The bulk of this essay is dedicated to sketching the theoretical implications of this deconstructive reading of Foucault with respect to the methodology and conceptuality of political science and social theory.

This paper studies the archetypal characters appeared in Rick Riordan’s novel entitled Percy Jackson and the Lightning Thief and his ideology conveyed within this novel. It belongs to cultural studies. The discussion is divided into two sections studied by applying theory of archetypes and intertextuality. Its archetypal characters are studied by applying Joseph Campbell’s model discussed in The Hero with a Thousand Faces. It focuses on the analysis of the characters, characterizations, and plot of the novel. The findings of this analysis are then continued to analyze the ideology of the author conveyed in the novel by also connecting it with the situations in the United States where Riordan lives.
The characters of the novel can be classified into Joseph Campbell’s seven archetypal characters, i.e. the hero, mentor, threshold guardian, herald, shape-shifter, trickster, and shadow. Although Riordan may have his own interpretations toward Greek mythological characters appeared in his novel, their characteristics are still stuck closely to the original versions of those existed in Greek myths. Riordan’s ideology is influenced by the society where he lives and vice versa. His ideology within the work influences the society in the point that children’s interests in mythology and in reading books increased after the work was published. The ideology studied in this research focuses on Riordan’s beliefs and his ways of seeing the world. The statuses he bears both as a father and as an ex-teacher also take part in shaping his ideology.


Key words: Greek mythology, archetypal characters, author’s ideology.

Purple Hibiscus is an African postcolonial Gothic tale cautioning and warning against the falsely assumed sense of absolutism of the Roman Catholic Church and its definitive contestation with the concept of tradition. Adichie’s auto-fiction tells a tale of a child transgressing beyond a complicated set of interwoven boundaries in order to find herself and establish herself in the realms of religion and tradition – embodying two assumed contesting concepts. It is only through an extreme disassociation with herself that Kambili finds a sense of physical and emotional piece and forgiveness – she assumes the role of Kambili that was previously denied by her tyrannical father. Kambili’s shared, yet emotionally exclusive experiences with her mother and brother Jaja, provided the opportunity for these characters to emancipate themselves from the absolutist dystopian reality they were led to believe was the only reality.

In January 1952, about half a year after the official conclusion of the operation that brought Iraq's Jews to Israel, two Zionist activists, Yosef Basri and Shalom Salah, were hanged in Baghdad. They had been charged with possession of explosive materials and throwing bombs in the city center. According to the account of Shlomo Hillel, a former Israeli cabinet minister and Zionist activist in Iraq, their last words, as they stood on the gallows, were "Long live the State of Israel."' It would have been only natural for Iraqi Jews in Israel to have reacted with outrage to news of the hanging. But on the contrary, the mourning assemblies organized by leaders of the community in various Israeli cities failed to arouse widespread solidarity with the two Iraqi Zionists. Just the opposite: a classified document from Moshe Sasson, of the Foreign Ministry's Middle East Division, to Foreign Minister Moshe Sharett maintained that many Iraqi immigrants, residents of the transit camps, greeted the hanging with the attitude: "That is God's revenge on the movement that brought us to such depths." The bitterness of that reaction attests to an acute degree of discontent among the newly arrived Iraqi Jews. It suggests that a good number of them did not view their immigration as the joyous return to Zion depicted by the community's Zionist activists. Rather, in addition to blaming the Iraqi government, they blamed the Zionist movement for bringing them to Israel for reasons that did not include the best interests of the immigrants themselves.

One of the central topics of study in the humanities is the question of ideology. There are many theories about what it is and how it works. One of the more significant of these theories comes from a French Marxist, Louis Althusser, in his 1970 essay, "Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses (Notes towards an Investigation)." In it he argues that ideology interpellates individuals as subjects. Interpellation is the experience of being " hailed, " like a taxi driver is hailed by a person on the sidewalk sticking her arm out to get a lift. Each person identifies herself with a category, a role, and when hailed (like when someone shouts " hey you! ") we feel the need to respond. Ideology, in Althusser's view, is more than a set of beliefs about the world; it includes material practices within specific institutions that lead to subject formation and to the reproduction of social relationships. Institutions sort people into groups and then into particular roles; they shape and police our behaviors and our boundaries. Althusser wanted to understand why we tend to feel free, though we are constrained by our identities within a system of ideological categories. Ideology "works" when we submit freely to this system. One explanation is that we believe we can reject the interpellating message, just as the taxi driver can reject the person who wants a ride. Yet in doing so, we don't reject the category: just the particular instance of its use.

Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age Britain is an era of prehistory permeated by notions of elaborate funerary rituals, exotic artefactual evidence, and immigrant invaders – at least to the untrained archaeological mind. However, such a simplistic and romanticised concept has still retained its potency in relevant professional scholarly circles, even up to and including the present day. As a consequence, a continued focus on rich regions and assemblages such as Orkney and Wessex and the regalia associated with them can be seen to predominate, a situation that has ultimately lead to a very skewed overall understanding of Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age Britain as a whole with vast areas, such as the county of Essex, being chiefly brushed aside and neglected.

Nonetheless, through collecting, synthesising, and analysing the relevant Heritage Gateway records regarding burial, monumental, and funerary evidence, this study has aimed to rectify this misalignment and with it, provide an introductory yet much needed and long overdue evaluation of the archaeology of Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age Essex at large. In particular, and in despite of an overall paucity of available evidence at hand, it has demonstrated the presence not only of multiple social groups and identities as well as the overall ideologies, agencies, and dynamics surrounding them, but also that of the importance of place and memory and the dominant influence it had on each individual temporal social landscape in an overarching evolutionary trajectory. Furthermore, past interpretations have also been addressed, showing them to not only be overly simplistic but also as having been affected by internalised Western notions and assumptions.

Thus, this project altogether provides a much-needed indepth introduction to prehistoric Essex on a scale that has not been seen before, with the hope that future and further research will be carried out in order to build upon the conclusions provided here and with it, secure Essex’s place and overall importance in the creation and evolution of Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age Britain (and continental Europe) as a whole.

Wayne Vucinic Book Prize 2007, "for the most important contribution to Russian, Eurasian, and East European studies in any discipline of the humanities or social sciences." 

Endorsement by Slavoj Zizek:

"Alexei Yurchak's Everything Was Forever, Until It Was No More immediately seduced me by its very title with a profound philosophical implication that eternity is a historical category--things can be eternal for some time. The same spirit of paradox runs through the entire book--it renders in wonderful details the gradual disintegration of the Soviet system from within its ideological and cultural space, making visible all the hypocrisy and misery of this process. I consider Yurchak's book by far the best work about the late epoch of the Soviet Union--it is not just history, but a pleasure to read, a true work of art." (Slavoj Zizek, author of In Defense of Lost Causes)

Abstract:

Soviet socialism was based on paradoxes that were revealed by the peculiar experience of its collapse. To the people who lived in that system the collapse seemed both completely unexpected and completely unsurprising. At the moment of collapse it suddenly became obvious that Soviet life had always seemed simultaneously eternal and stagnating, vigorous and ailing, bleak and full of promise. Although these characteristics may appear mutually exclusive, in fact they were mutually constitutive. This book explores the paradoxes of Soviet life during the period of "late socialism" (1960s-1980s) through the eyes of the last Soviet generation.

Un análisis de las convicciones políticas de los españoles desde la teología política. Resumen: En el presente artículo se hace una observación de las convicciones españolas más arraigas, que operan bajo la creencia de que es posible solucionar los problemas del país meramente votando a uno u otro partido, analizando qué mitos están cimentados en el imaginario colectivo para que funcione de tal manera. Enfocándolo desde el estudio de la Escuela de Frankfurt, de los autores Adorno y Horkheimer, los cuales consideraban que el proyecto ilustrado retornaba al mito que trataba de superar, donde la racionalización absoluta derivaba en una regresión y perversión de los fundamentos de la realidad y, por tanto, de la esencia de lo político. En cuanto la humanidad renuncie toda ella a Dios, […] de por sí, sin recurrir a la antropofagia, caerá toda la anterior concepción del mundo y, lo que es más importante, toda la antigua moral, y todo será nuevo. Los hombres se unirán para tomar de la vida cuanto esta pueda darles, pero, eso sí, para la felicidad y la alegría en este mundo únicamente. El hombre exaltará con el espíritu de un orgullo divino, titánico, y aparecerá el Hombre Dios (Dostoievski [1880] 2015: 950). Harán 76 años de la publicación de la Dialéctica de la Ilustración (Adorno y Horkheimer, [1944] 1994). En esta obra se procuraba explicar que el proyecto de la Ilustración recaía en el propio mito que quería erradicar. Su intento por desencantar el mundo y vaciarlo de magia estuvo viciado desde el comienzo porque creaba sus propios mitos y mantenía otros. La creencia férrea en el cientificismo moderno ponía de relieve que "las grandes invenciones se pagan con una creciente decadencia de la cultura teórica" (Adorno y Horkheimer, [1944] 1994: 51), lo que producía una inmanentización del mundo en el que toda verdad estaba encerrada en él, siendo accesible al ser humano. Si todo era posible al limitar la realidad a pura materia, "[l]a semejanza del hombre con Dios consiste [entonces] en la soberanía sobre lo existente" (Adorno y Horkheimer, [1944] 1994: 64); nada es irrealizable para este nuevo sujeto deificado. Pero no toda persona podría ser endiosada, sólo algunos tienen tal privilegio. De aquí nace la concepción del superhombre con carácter salvífico que podría otorgar la redención a la humanidad a través de un acto revolucionario. Todos sabemos lo que ocurrió entre los siglos XIX y XX. La culminación del proyecto Ilustrado quedaba así consagrada. Sin embargo, ¿qué mitos han llegado a nuestros días en el caso español?

Sažetak: Altiserov neosporni doprinos istoriji marksizma je u tome što je pokazao da apstraktan filozofski diksurs o čoveku, njegovom otuđenju i razotuđenju (oslobođenju), koji je dominirao i dotadašnjom marksističkom filozofijom, predstavlja ozbiljnu prepreku za jednu radikalnu teorijsku i političku praksu. Naime, takav humanizam previđa suštinski značaj klasne borbe i klasne analize. On je s pravom ukazao i na odsustvo razvijene teorije ideologije u marksističkoj filozofiji, ispravno kritikujući neke ograničenosti Marksovog shvatanja ideologije. Ipak, njegov krajnji stav da ideologija ostaje trajan element društvene stvarnosti, tj. da je nužna za svako, a ne samo klasno društvo, nije prihvatljiv. On negira mogućnost da čovek ovlada strukturama svog društvenog života; one neminovno dominiraju nad životom i svešću pojedinaca, uprkos iščezavanju klasnih odnosa eksploatacije. Uticaj strukturalizma dolazi ovde do punog izražaja: subjekti su zahvaćeni anonimnim objektivnim strukturama, a njihova svest (subjektivnost) samo je učinak delovanja (ideoloških) struktura. Strukturalizam kod Altisera odnosi tako prevagu nad Marks(izm)om. Čini se stoga da Altiserova teorija ideologije, koja projektuje otuđenu podelu rada i postojanje ideologije i u samo besklasno društvo, u krajnjem završava kao jedna teorijska ideologija. Ključne reči: ideologija, marksizam, strukturalizam, humanizam, materijalizam, idealizam, nauka, utopija, kritika, revolucija, (bes)klasno društvo Summary: Altiserov unquestionable contribution to the history of Marxism is in prove that an abstract philosophical discourse about the man, his alienation and de-alienation (liberation), which was dominant in the Marxist philosophy too, is a serious obstacle to a radical theoretical and political practice. Namely, such a humanism overlooks the crucial importance of class struggle and class analysis. He also rightly pointed to the lack of developed theory of ideology in Marxist philosophy, properly criticized some of the limitations of Marx's conception of ideology. However, his ultimate position that ideology remains a permanent element of social reality, ie. it is a necessary for each, not just a class society, is unacceptable. He denies the possibility that man can overmaster the structures of his social life; they inevitably dominate the life and consciousness of individuals, despite the disappearance of class relations of exploitation. The influence of structuralism comes here to the fore: the subjects are affected by anonymous objective structures, and their consciousness (subjectivity) is just the effect of action of these (ideological) structures. So, structuralism prevails Marx(ism) in Althusser’s thought. It appears therefore that Althusser's theory of ideology, which projects the alienated division of labor and the existence of ideology in a classless society too, ultimately ends up as a theoretical ideology. Key words: ideology, Marxism, structuralism, humanism, materialism, idealism, science, utopia, criticism, revolution, class(less) society

This ethnographic study of interpretations of stress among hospital social workers reveals concrete ways in which institutional systems take form in the mundane actions and interpretations of individuals embedded in these systems. It also reveals how organizational cultures reflect and reinforce institutional conditions that have been negotiated in the interactions of individuals. Here, the institutional systems of medicine and social work come together in the everyday work of the social workers and result in two patterns of cultural dominance. Within these distinct types of culture emerge two forms of stress experience, including a dominant form, consistent with medical ideology, and a marginalized form, consistent with social work ideology. Some surprising patterns of interpretation emerge, including interpretations of ambiguity and burnout as normal, social, and desirable when the social work ideology is dominant. This institutional analysis of stress has theoretical, practical, and epistemological implications.

Tanulmányomban a bollywoodi filmipar 1990-es éveivel foglalkozom, a fókuszban pedig a filmek és a politikai ideológiák találkozása áll kétféle aspektusból. Az egyik az, hogy milyen út vezetett el addig, hogy a hindu nacionalista szerveződések, kiváltképp a Bharatiya Janata Párt képesek voltak arra, hogy egy deklaráltan szekuláris országban vallási alapú ideológiák ivódjanak be a művészetekbe és tudják alakítani a populáris filmipart. Másrészt pedig kifejezetten a filmekre koncentrálva mutatom be, hogyan is artikulálódnak ezek az ideológiai törekvések (családi értékek, identitáskérdés, tradíció és vallásosság) Bollywood esetében.

Intense debate rages over the transparency and efficiency of investor-state arbitration. In contention is whether national courts should displace investment arbitration administered by the International Center for Investment Arbitration (ICSID). How this debate is resolved will significantly impact on states across the globe, their public interests and investors.This manuscript scrutinizes this debate and recommends how to resolve it.

The idea that free trade leads to prosperity is neoliberal propaganda. The idea is based on Ricardo’s theory of comparative advantage, which was already shown to be wrong by Frank Graham in 1923. This refutation didn’t lead to the theory’s demise, however, because it is an ideology rather than a scientific theory. It is an ideological tool in neocolonial efforts to further exploit the developing world and in neoliberal efforts to dismantle democracy and empower the financial elite.

El artículo reflexiona sobre el discurso dominante en algunos ámbitos profesionales y sociales, desde el cual se predica el fin de las ideologías y la apuesta por valores como la neutralidad y el apoliticismo. Tal discurso pretende desactivar el compromiso social de los profesionales y, en realidad, el análisis desvela que sus propagadores parten de premisas ideológicas no neutrales y con contenido político.

Neoliberal ideologies influence both the content and pedagogical approach of educational leadership programmes. This article proposes an alternate pedagogy, one which privileges the experiential nature of the leadership and challenges students to critique prevailing ideologies within education. The authors describe the reshaping of a compulsory, foundational academic paper within a Masters of educational leadership programme to focus on the phenomenon of leadership more explicitly. They illustrate the use of student stories and hermeneutic interpretation to deepen the appreciation of the contextual nature of educational leadership practice. The authors suggest that the influence of this pedagogical approach resides in the sincerity of the pedagogical comportment of the teaching faculty and the elusiveness of the taken-for-granted nature of leadership. They conclude that pedagogical processes that maintain a centrality of concern for the humanity of leadership experiences are a matte...

This study applies semiotics analyses to examine the gender ideology of rice culture embedded in Taiwan’s twenty-five rice TV commercials aired after 2000. The findings indicate that there are some new gender images in the commercials, but these new gender images still include traditional gender ideology, because women still are caregivers and have to cook rice while men are rice experts and can simply enjoy the delicious rice in these commercials. Furthermore, women eat rice to maintain good body shape while men eat rice to maintain good physical strength in these commercials. In summary, rice is a symbol for women's labor and obligation to maintain a good figure, but the authority and power of body for men. Such ideology, let the audience unconsciously accept the identified performances authority of institution.

En este capítulo se recorren los lugares centrales de la obra de Herbert Marcuse (1898-1979), portadora de una crítica sin precedentes a la sociedad industrial avanzada, para valorar su proyección en la ola de cambio de los años sesenta, en particular en las revueltas estudiantiles y los movimientos de protesta que se resumen y confluyen en el 68. En una segunda lectura, se trata de reconocer las notas románticas que incorporan pensamiento y movimiento, y que más allá de su eficacia histórica, les confieren un significado alejado de la puerilidad o el absurdo con que han podido ser descalificados a veces. Por último, se plantea la influencia de Marcuse y de la contracultura en el pos-modernismo para concluir con una crítica y una defensa al tiempo de Marcuse y del legado del 68.

1. L'ideologia dentro la critica dell'ideologia 2. La questione della prospettiva e il problema del tempo 3. Lo specchio e la lampada. La Widerspiegelungstheorie 4. Una mimesis dialettica, oltre soggettivismo e rispecchiamento meccanico 5. La narrazione e l'oggetto particolare 6. Il caso e la necessità. Confronto con Giacomo Debenedetti 7. L'estetica di Lukács critica del necessitarismo e del casualismo volgari 8. L'Interno e l'Esterno in prospettiva dialettica 9. Oltre il naturalismo e l'arte di tendenza. La «totalità intensiva» 10. Sublimazione idealistica e unilateralità dell'arte. Lo smarrimento dell'Intero 11. Il sognare ad occhi aperti e l'idealismo del Dover-essere 12. La partigianeria dell'oggettività. Il realismo di Tolstoj e di Philip Roth 13. Ben oltre Ždanov e ben oltre Trotsky. Lo Spirito assoluto 14. La lezione di Lukács. Il coraggio e l'importanza dell'eredità