Languages and Linguistics

La descrizione generica delle condotte e degli stati di cose ai quali si applicano le norme risulta particolarmente
rilevante per valutare la completezza o l’incompletezza nonché la coerenza o l’incoerenza dei
sistemi giuridici. Il presente articolo intende discutere queste due questioni centrali della teoria del
diritto e le implicazioni di tale genericità. Si comincerà dall’analisi della struttura della norma in generale,
concentrandosi in particolare sulla genericità dell’antecedente. In seguito, dopo aver illustrato le
principali caratteristiche di tale proprietà, si valuterà il concetto di genericità come criterio per distinguere
tra regole e principi. Si passerà poi alla valutazione di tutte le norme in base alle rispettive condizioni,
sia per quanto riguarda l’(in)coerenza sia per quanto riguarda l’(in)completezza dei sistemi
giuridici. Confutata la chiusura logica dei sistemi, si illustrerà il ruolo fondamentale della rappresentazione
generica delle condotte da parte del sistema giuridico, come strumento per riferirsi (in maniera
contingente) a tutte le condotte concepibili. Infine, si illustreranno i punti di forza e di debolezza della
tesi dell’equivalenza pragmatica tra le non proibizioni e i permessi, in caso di silenzio del sistema. Anche
per quanto riguarda questo punto la genericità sembra ricoprire un ruolo importante. L’ammissibilità di
un’equivalenza pragmatica si tradurrà sempre nella regolazione più generica possibile, con implicazioni
sulla (e relative spiegazioni della) debolezza dei permessi da questa risultanti.

Die Analyse der ersten zehn Minuten einer audio aufgezeichneten psychoanalytischen Sitzung fuhrt zu der Entdeckung und Beschreibung einer psychoanalytischen Prozedur, die wir als »Tanz der Einsicht« bezeichnen. Die Sitzung ist nach den Standards der Konversationsanalyse transkribiert und wird auf drei Ebenen analysiert. Zunachst kommt eine klinische Analyse zu dem Ergebnis, dass die Analytikerin bei zwei Gelegenheiten ihre Gesprachsposition verandert; sie spricht, als ware sie die Patientin. Die klinische Perspektive bringt diese Beobachtung mit dem Konzept der Modellszene und dem methodischen Prinzip der »Komplettierung der Szene« in Beziehung und einigen weiteren Befunden der Sauglingsforschung. Zum zweiten lasst sich mit den Mitteln der Konversationsanalyse erkennen, wie die Therapeutin dies Manover ausfuhrt und wie die Patientin darauf reagiert. Diese Analyse beschreibt detailliert die »slots«, an denen ein solches Manover auf naturliche und ungekunstelte Weise ausgefuhrt wird. ...

https://journalistethics.com/
Free book available in PDF at this link

This book lifts the veil to identify the puppet masters behind the MK Ultra Mind Control shills that front the New World Disorder Dystopia. The usual suspects are named: Jeff Bezos, Mark Zuckerberg, Benjamin Netanyahu, Fake religious Patriarchs and a list of celebrities from Hollywood and other MK Ultra mind control realms.

The social impact of cultures on communities has gained due attention In the literature. There are factors that get influenced among cultures and societies such as dress, language, cuisine and architecture. The development of the modern world is characterized and shaped through globalization. When it comes to globalizing cultures, diaspora plays a critical role in influencing and factors such as dress, language, cuisine and architecture among different cultures and societies. This study aims to investigate the influence of Indonesian culture on communities in Yemen particularly the Hadhrami community in the South of Yemen. Due to the diaspora of Hadhrami that began in the old era of hadhramout to many countries in the world including Indonesia, there are social and cultural influences observed among communities in hadhramout. Based on primary data through semi-structured interviews with individuals, and secondary data from the literature, this study aims at shedding the light on the influences of the Indonesian culture observed among the Hadhrami communities. The outcome of this research highlights the social and cultural effects on the local communities by the Indonesian culture.

Coventry University Institution Wide Language Programme (IWLP) offers beginners language learning modules to approximately 3,000 students. Each module is taught over 11 weeks for a total of one hour and 40 minutes and two of the weeks are used for in class tests, so tutors generally agree that students need to practise their skills outside the classroom in order to pass the module. One way of doing this was to use the language learning app, Duolingo, which helps students to gradually broaden their linguistic, professional competence, and digital fluency through increased learner autonomy. How effective this approach is, however, has never been measured. The project ran from January to April 2018 and explored whether a correlation exists between regular use of the app by IWLP learners at Common European Framework of Reference (CEFR) level A1 of French, German, Italian, Portuguese, and Spanish, and achieving a high formal coursework assessment mark. The views of both learners and tutors of their experiences of using the software, and the tutor tools provided by Duolingo Schools, will also be canvassed. A virtual classroom was set up within Duolingo Schools for each participating cohort of students and they were encouraged to use the app on a regular basis. The tutor tools allowed the monitoring of how many days learners were active, how many lessons they completed, how many courses they completed, and how many points they were awarded while using Duolingo. These statistics were compared with

This article describes the rise of Hispanic-serving institutions (HSIs) as an institutional designation within postsecondary education in the U.S. context, and outlines some of the language-based challenges U.S. Latinx students face on campus and in the home speech community. Engagement with the mass media through editorial writing and interviews in television, radio, and print formats is conceived of as a productive means of educating the public about HSIs and the language issues that contextualize the lives of the student bodies that attend them, combating misinformation about U.S. Latinx speech communities, and, more generally, for doing what Wolfram (2016) calls " public sociolinguistics education. " A model of mass media engagement is suggested, in which community-based sociolinguistic research is communicated by the researcher to press specialists at the university, who help place it with journalists, who then disseminate sociolinguistic knowledge to the general public. The effects of mass media engagement—including community involvement and the creation of sociolinguistic artifacts—are discussed, and practical advice for promoting sociolinguistic perspectives through mass media engagement is given.

The relationship between landscape and culture seen through language is an exciting and increasingly explored area. This groundbreaking book contributes to the linguistic examination of both cross-cultural variation and unifying elements in geographical categorization. The study focuses on the contrastive lexical semantics of certain landscape words in a number of languages. The aim is to show how geographical vocabulary sheds light on the culturally and historically shaped ways people see and think about the land around them. Notably, the study presents landscape concepts as anchored in a human-centred perspective , based on our cognition, vision, and experience in places. The Natural Semantic Metalanguage (NSM) approach allows an analysis of meaning which is both fine-grained and transparent. The book is aimed, first of all, at scholars and students of linguistics. Yet it will also be of interest to researchers in geography, environmental studies, anthropology , cultural studies, Australian Studies, and Australian Aboriginal Studies because of the book's cultural take.

Zusammenfassung
Ziel dieser Arbeit war zum einen, die Basisstruktur der Verben der Zaza-Sprache zu entwi-ckeln. Zum zweiten ging es darum das bisher nur oberflächlich behandeltes Thema Ergativität im Zaza detailliert zu untersuchen. Kapitel eins gab einen Überblick über die bedrohte irani-sche Sprache Zazaki und über einige ihre wissenswerten Eigenschaften. Kapitel zwei stellt zunächst die morphologisch und/oder syntaktisch ergativen Sprachen der Welt anhand mehre-rer Beispielen dar. Die Verbfunktionalität des Zaza wird im Kapitel drei behandelt, welches der Kern dieser Arbeit ist. Kapitel vier behandelte das Thema der Ergativität bezogen auf die Zaza-Sprache.

Analytischer Ausgangspunkt des zentralen Kapitels drei der Arbeit waren die Konstrukts der Role and Reference Grammar (RRG). Dieses Kapitel nahm sich vor, die Grundstruktur der Verben im Zaza mittels der Instrumente der RRG herauszuarbeiten. Zunächst wurden die syn-taktischen Strukturen der Verben in §3.1 dargestellt. Operatoren, syntaktische Relationen, privilegierte syntaktische Argumente und Junkturen wurden im ersten Teil dieses Kapitels behandelt. Es stellte sich heraus, dass das Zaza interessante Operatoren zur Verfügung stellt. Zum zweiten wurden unter der Rubrik „Semantik“ die lexikalische Darstellung und logische Struktur der Verben sowie ihre Makrorollen untersucht. Zum dritten mussten diejenigen morphosyntaktischen Eigenschaften der Zaza-Verben untersucht werden, die innerhalb der RRG nicht behandelt worden waren. In alldem wurde versucht, meine Darstellung durch zahl-reiche Beispiele zu illustrieren und zu untermauern. Die Frage, ob die morphologischen Stammbildungstypen mit der semantischen Klassen der Verben in direkter Relation stehen, war eines der hauptsätzlichen Ziele dieser Arbeit. Die Prüfung zeigte, dass die Stammbil-dungsmorpheme für die Bildung der semantischen Klassen keine Rolle spielen. Diese Mor-pheme üben aber mehrere morphosyntaktischen Funktionen aus. Sie markieren Diathese, Transitivität, Agentivität und vieles mehr. Durch diese Morpheme sind die Kategorien der Verben eindeutig geregelt. Ein weiteres, für die Frage der Ergativität ebenfalls relevantes Re-sultat war, dass es im Zaza keine Verben gibt, die sowohl intransitiv als auch transitiv sind. Ein Verb ist entweder intransitiv oder transitiv. Die Klasse der atransitiven Verben existiert im Zaza nicht.

Kapitel vier präsentierte die Entwicklung der Ergativität in den iranischen Sprachen in histori-scher Reihenfolge vom Anfang bis zu den modernen iranischen Sprachen. Die benachbarten und nahverwandten indischen Sprachen wurden in diesen Teil ebenfalls einbezogen, da sie sehr ähnliche Entwicklungen aufweisen. Anhand der Beispiele von den altiranischen Sprachen Altpersisch und Awestisch stellte sich heraus, dass diese nicht ergativ sind. Auch die altindischen Sprachen wie Vedisch wiesen dieses Charakteristikum nicht auf, sondern waren akkusativisch. Der Anfang der Ergativität liegt sowohl für das iranische als auch für das indi-sche Sprachterritorium im mittleren Stadium. Hierbei war die Entwicklung in den benachbar-ten indischen und iranischen Räumen gleichlaufend. Die Rückkehr zum akkusativischen Sys-tem im neueren Stadium zeigt ebenfalls einen synchronen Werdegang. Während einige indi-sche Sprachen noch eine gespaltene Morphologie haben, haben andere wie Oriya und Bengali eine akkusativische Morphologie. 
Auch im iranischen Gebiet ist der Rückgang zum ursprünglichen System nicht abgeschlossen. Dementsprechend sind die neuiranischen Sprachen in drei Gruppen zu unterteilen:
a. Akkusativische iranische Sprachen (Neupersisch, Dari, Sorani)
b. In Umwandlung begriffene iranische Sprachen (Kurmanji)
c. (Split-)Ergative iranische Sprachen (Zaza, Pastho, Gorani)

Die Ergativität im Zaza ist stabil und daher gehört die Sprache zu Gruppe c. Die ältesten Za-za-Schriften sind auf Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts datiert. Es sind keine älteren Inschriften überliefert, daher besteht in Bezug auf die Einflüsse auf das Zaza im Hinblick auf die Ergati-vität oder andere linguistische Bereiche große Unklarheit. Obwohl sich dies nicht genau bele-gen lässt, verweisen die vorhandenen außersprachlichen Daten darauf, dass das Zaza die Er-gativität aus seiner ursprünglichen Heimat Dailam übernommen hat.

Die Übernahme blieb aber auf die Morphologie beschränkt und schien keinen Einfluss auf die Syntax zu haben. Ein Beispiel von der heutzutage gesprochenen Zaza-Sprache an dieser Stelle kann das ergative System exakt präsentieren.
(5.1)
a. Kutık-Ø    astık-i            we-n-o
hund-NOM knochen-OBL essenPRÄS-PRÄS-1sg
‘Der Hund frisst den Knochen.’

b. Kutık-i      astık-Ø          wer-d-Ø
hund-OBL knochen-NOM essenPRÄS-PRÄTT2-3sgM
‘Der Hund fraß den Knochen.’

Eine direkte Beziehung zwischen der Verbsystem und der Ergativität  im Zaza liegt nicht vor. Wäre das Präteritalsuffix des Zaza standardmäßig für alle Verben /-t/ bzw. /-d/, könnte von einem Zusammenhang gesprochen werden. Das ursprüngliche altiranischen /-ta/-Partizip be-schränkt sich auf eine morphologische Verbgruppe (-t) des Zaza. Diese Weiterentwicklung lässt sich nicht verallgemeinern, dass die Zaza Sprache mehrere präteritalen Suffixe hat. Au-ßerdem ist die Ergativität keine indogermanische Eigenschaft, da diese akkusativisch sind.

Außer Hawramani (Gorani) stammen die sprachlichen Daten der iranischen Sprachen von Muttersprachlern, die meistens Akademiker, teilweise Sprachwissenschaftler sind. Die Daten der Informanten befinden sich in Anhang 6.5. Die Beispiele aus dem Zaza stammen aus schriftlichen oder mündlichen Quellen, und wo keine passenden Daten vorlagen, wurden die Beispiele vom Autor selbst geschaffen. Er konnte bis zum sechsten Lebensalter nur die Mut-tersprache Zaza sprechen und verstehen und lernte erst in der Schule Türkisch. In einem Dorf ist er aufgewachsen und hatte sein ganzes Leben lang großes Interesse an seiner Mutterspra-che. Er beherrscht das Zaza in allen Bereichen daher können seine Beispiele als zuverlässig betrachtet werden.

Abschließend wird erneut darauf verwiesen, dass die Lage der Zaza-Sprache wie der vieler anderer bedrohter Sprachen auf der Welt keinen Anlass zu Optimismus gibt. Solange die zu-ständigen Regierungen keine gesetzlichen Regelungen zur lokalen Förderung dieser Sprachen treffen, wird ihr Aussterben in naher Zukunft kaum zu verhindern sein. Neben dem Verlust eines interessanten Forschungsgegenstandes würde dies auch den Untergang einer spezifi-schen Art der sprachlichen Weltbetrachtung bedeuten.

""La lingüística en España" es una contribución a la historia de la lingüística, en la nueva y atractiva vertiente de las memorias personales. Consta de 24 relatos o autobiografías intelectuales de lingüistas sobresalientes, en las que describen su formación y las causas que les condujeron a la lingüística. Permiten comprender mejor el mérito de sus tareas y aportaciones. También tienden un puente entre los orígenes de la lingüística en España y el panorama actual.
La obra presenta la historia como vivencia y reflexión, combina memorias personales, debates profesionales y manifiestos por una lingüística futura. Al mismo tiempo, identifica facetas de la sociedad en la que se han desarrollado esas trayectorias vitales. La escritura del yo produce de este modo un efecto sorprendente, porque trasciende la esfera del autor y plasma un panorama variado y contrastado de la lingüística contemporánea.""

This paper discusses the interaction of vocal music skill development with phonemic awareness (the ability
to hear and manipulate phonemes, the smallest units of language) and fluency training in kindergarten and
grade one language arts instruction. The phonemic awareness and fluency activities provided in language
arts curricula are often music related: songs, chants and rhymes. Research is discussed regarding auditory
processing related to vocal production; developmentally appropriate singing, prosody (the intentional
grouping of words into phrases), and music perception as it relates to reading achievement. The
pedagogical strategies necessary for developmentally appropriate modeling in both music and language arts
instruction are discussed.

Gaṇeśa is 1. Marut, kharva, 'dwarf', dancer, kavi, Brahmaṇaspati, Br̥haspati, 2. त्रिधातु, 'aggregate of 3 minerals', 3. R̥bhu founder of yajña, artist, rayi, 'wealth'.

Gaṇeśa is a कवि kavi, m. a singer , bard , poet (but in this sense without any technical application in the वेद) RV. VS. TS. AV. S3Br. i , 4 , 2 , 8Kat2hUp. iii , 14 MBh. Bhag. Bha1gP. Mn. vii , 49 R. Ragh.

Gaṇeśa is a scribe, a R̥bhu, 'artist' In the tradition of Indus Script, a scribe is also an artist because the writing system is composed with hypertextss incorporating hieroglyphs -- both pictorial motifs and 'signs or symbols', say, syllabic representations in Brāhmī or 'signs' of the Indus Script Corpora.

Since Mahābhārata is the fifth Veda itihāsa with ākhyāna-s and upākhyāna-s, the scribe of the sacred kāvya, by the kavi, -- is Gaṇeśa who is kavīnām kavi, he is the suprme kavi among kavi-s. The scribal narratiave is an affirmation of divine sanction for the documented narratives.

Hence, Gaṇeśa utters the praṇava, says 'om' accepting the terms stipulated by Vyāsa.

This tradition is exemplified by many manuscripts of Mahābhārata which are profusely illustrated to communicate the narrative effectivey.
Battle Between Ghatotkacha And Karna, Illustrated Folio

Battle of Kurukshetra.


Page from a Manuscript of the Mahabharata: Kichaka and Draupadi Disguised as the Maidservant Shairandhri 1670.
Indian, India, Deccan, Southern Karnataka 17th century opaque watercolor, ink, gold on paper 8 x 19⅜ in 20.32 x 49.21 cm Friends of Indian Art in memory of Dr. Meena Hazra 95.6

Read more at https://vmfa.museum/collections/art/page-manuscript-mahabharata-kichaka-draupadi-disguised-maidservant-shairandhri/#OpbYhP0yIZ7h6MRW.99

Illustrated palmleaf manuscripts in the collection of Orissa State Museum. Read more at:  http://www.harekrsna.com/sun/features/02-07/features555.htm

H: 11.8 W: 16.6 cm. Probably Seringapatam, South India, India


Newari Mahabharata, 14th-15th c. Philadelphia Museum of Art

Gaṇeśa is 1. scribe of Mahābhārata, 2. kavi; Brahmaṇaspati, Br̥haspati, 3. त्रिधातु, 'aggregate of 3 minerals', 4. R̥bhu founder of yajña, artist, rayi, 'wealth' Gaṇeśa is a Marut, R̥bhukṣa, who wields a thunderbolt. This is a metaphor for his tusk used as a writing instrument. That Gaṇeśa is a member of Marut Gaṇa is signified on a sculptural frieze of Kanchipuram Kailāsanātha temple.

See:

Bhāratīya ādhyātmikā itihāsa of tridhātu Gaṇeśa, śarva Śiva, Rāma, Kr̥ṣṇa 
https://tinyurl.com/yc95usjo

Tridhātu as Gaṇeśa, Tridhātu on Indus Script metalwork for crucible steel, ādhyātmikā metaphor pr̥thvyaptejorūpadhātu (R̥gveda)
http://tinyurl.com/kptlbz3

Gaṇeśa is Brāhmī scribe of Mahābhārata in the tradition of Indus Script cipher of Bronze Age
https://tinyurl.com/y79j8rxp

http://sanskritdocuments.org/mirrors/mahabharata/mahabharata-sarit.html

Gaṇeśa -- the leader of Marut Gaṇa, a scribe with dāt, an ivory stylus -- and Kṣṇadwaipāyana Vyāsa -- the black narrator, a Ganga-island dweller --  unite together after Gaṇeśa consents to be a scribe utteringom and together start with an invocation for success to Nara and Nārāyaṇa (nārāyaṇaṃ namaskṛtya naraṃ caiva narottamam; 1.1.0) and to goddess Sarasvatī (devīṃ sarasvatīṃ caiva tato jayam udīrayet; 1.1.0). Om is part of the iconography, pratimā, 'ādhyātmikā symbol' which refers to ātman (soul, self within) and Brahman (ultimate reality, entirety of the universe, truth, divine, supreme spirit, cosmic principles, knowledge). So, they start with ओम् Om pratimā which is प्रणव, praṇava. Om is the last sound a Yogi hears before entering the state of Turīya level of language, script and reality. The mystic syllable is affirmation of something divine in the narration and scripted text of Mahābhārata.

Why does Gaṇeśa uttar Om assenting to be a scribe of Vyasa's oral narrative?

Om (ॐ) is the pratigara (agreement) with a hymn. Likewise is tatha (so be it) with a song. But Om is something divine, and tatha is something human.
— Aitareya Aranyaka 23.6

तस्य वाचकः प्रणवः ॥२७॥

His word is Om.

— Yogasutra 1.27

ओं नमः (Oṃ namaḥ) Siddhanam (6 syllables), Om Nhi (2 syllables) and just Om (1 syllable) are the short forms of the Paramesthi-Mantra, also called Namokar Mantra or Navkar Mantra in Jainism

"Om Mani Padmi Hum" to be AUM,  the totality of sound, existence and consciousness in Bauddham

Oankar ('the Primal Sound') created Brahma, Oankar fashioned the consciousness,
From Oankar came mountains and ages, Oankar produced the Vedas,
By the grace of Oankar, people were saved through the divine word,
By the grace of Oankar, they were liberated through the teachings of the Guru.

— Ramakali Dakkhani, Adi Granth 929-930, Translated by Pashaura Singh.

Tamil version of the great epic venerates Gaṇeśa as scribe of the epic:

The information is given in the very first verse of Villi Bharatham and is quite famous as the "Kadavul Vaazhththu" (Prayer to the Divine). A rough/prosaic but literal translation would be:
"To make it firm as the fifth along with the four Vedas
On this sea-girt earth,
When the Mahabharata was spoken by the King of sages
Who possess unfading askesis and Truth,
Vinayaka wrote with the Mount Meru
As the cadjan leaf,
And His own tusk as the sharp stylus.
I salute Him with shoreless love."

(fifth along with the four Vedas -- Bharatah Panchamao Vedah; Vyasa is described as the king of sages; the sages are described as possessing unfading askesis and Truth (vaadaa thavam meymmai muni raajan); Mount Meru is described as "edu" which is palm or cadjan leaf).
Some copies of the work tack this and the following verse which is also a prayer to Vinayaka to the verses of praise by Villi's son Varantharuvaar that are always printed as a preface to the work.
http://mahabharata-resources.org/variations/prema-villi1.html

Two anient manuscripts announce Gaṇeśa as scribe of the epic:

Arrival of Heramba Gaṇeśa to write Mahābhārata announced in ādiparva:
सौतिरुवाच ।
एवमाभाष्य तं ब्रह्मा जगाम स्वं निवेशनम् ।
भगवान्स जगत्स्रष्टा ऋषिदेवगणैः सह ॥
ततः सस्मार हेरम्बं व्यासः सत्यवतीसुतः ॥
स्मृतमात्रो गणेशानो भक्तचिन्तितपूरकः ।
तत्राजगाम विघ्नेशो वेदव्यासो यतः स्थितः ॥
पूजितश्चोपविष्टश्च व्यासेनोक्तस्तदानघ ।
लेखको भारतस्यास्य भव त्वं गणनायक ॥
मयैव प्रोच्यमानस्य मनसा कल्पितस्य च ॥
श्रुत्वैतत्प्राह विघ्नेशो यदि मे लेखनी क्षणम् ।
लिखतो नावतिष्ठेत तदा स्यां लेखको ह्यहम् ॥

व्यासोऽप्युवाच तं देवमबुद्ध्वा मा लिख क्वचित् ।
ओमित्युक्त्वा गणेशोपि बभूव किल लेखकः ॥
ग्रन्थग्रन्थिं तदा चक्रे मुनिर्गूढं कुतूहलात् ।
यस्मिन्प्रतिज्ञया प्राह मुनिर्द्वैपायनस्त्विदम् ॥
अष्टौ श्लोकसहस्राणि अष्टौ श्लोकशतानि च ।
अहं वेद्मि शुको वेत्ति संजयो वेत्ति वा न वा ॥
तच्छ्लोककूटमद्यापि ग्रथितं सुदृढं मुने ।
भेत्तुं न शक्यतेऽर्थस्यं गूढत्वात्प्रश्रितस्य च ॥
सर्वज्ञोपि गणेशो यत्क्षणमास्ते विचारयन् ।
तावच्चकार व्यासोपि श्लोकानन्यान्बहूनपि ॥
तस्य वृक्षस्य वक्ष्यामि शाखापुष्पफलोदयम् ।
स्वादुमेध्यरसोपेतमच्छेद्यममरैरपि ॥
अनुक्रमणिकाध्यायं वृत्तान्तं सर्वपर्वणाम् ।
इदं द्वैपायनः पूर्वं पुत्रमध्यापयच्छुकम् ॥
ततोऽन्येभ्योऽनुरूपेभ्यः शिष्येभ्यः प्रददौ प्रभुषष्टिं शतसहस्राणि चकारान्यां स संहिताम् ।
त्रिंशच्छतसहस्रं च देवलोके प्रतिष्ठितम् ॥
पित्र्ये पञ्चदश प्रोक्तं रक्षोयक्षे चतुर्दश ।
एकं शतसहस्रं तु मानुषेषु प्रतिष्ठितम् ॥

http://sarit.indology.info/exist/apps/sarit/works/%C4%81diparva.html
 





http://asi.nic.in/asi_books/9002.pdf






Gaṇeśa with Gaṇa-s in Kailasanatha temple, Kanchipuram (685 to 705 CE, Rajasimha, Pallava dynasty)
Source: http://swamisblog.blogspot.in/2009/12/
These Marut Gaṇa are associated with the smelter work as seen on Bhuteshwar sculptural friezes.


 
Smelter. Kharva, dwarfs venerate linga atop smelter and tree (kuṭi 'tree' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter'). Ekamukha Sivalinga atop smelter.

Gaṇeśa with Saptamatrikas, Aihole, Karnataka, 8th century CE.

The Devi Matrikas (flanked by Shiva and Ganesha), representing various Shakti aspects, from 9th-century Madhya Pradesh

Saptamātr̥kā-s with Gaṇeśa, at Panchalingeshvara temple in Karnataka.

Gaṇeśa. Entrance to Ellora caves.


Ellora Caves - Kailasa Temple - Group Of mātr̥kā-s with Gaṇeśa

Stone sculpture in National Museum, New Delhi, India. Śiva and Saptamātr̥kā-s.

Nataraja–Shiva (left) with Virabhadra and the first three mātr̥kā-s depicted with children – Ellora

Neste artigo discutimos a análise de um livro didático de ensino de Português Brasileiro para empresários estrangeiros. A análise linguístico-discursiva foi uma tentativa de descrever e desvendar as concepções de linguagem e de ensino norteadoras do material e suas possíveis implicações no processo de ensino/aprendizagem. O livro mostrou-se heterogêneo, no sentido de que é possível encontrar desde exercícios de cunho estrutural, até tarefas que exploram funções sociais e interativas do uso da língua. A partir da análise das concepções de linguagem, discutimos as visões de aprendizagem e de autonomia do material. Buscamos analisar o modo como o livro conduz o desenvolvimento das capacidades de linguagem do aprendiz: de ação, discursivas e linguístico-discursivas. A partir dessas capacidades, pudemos discutir como as habilidades de produção e compreensão (orais e escritas) são tratadas. De modo geral, a análise encontrou pontos positivos por promover a integração de habilidades em várias tarefas e pelo uso de textos autênticos sobre assuntos pertinentes ao mundo empresarial. Contudo, há aspectos cuja avaliação foi negativa: concepções de cultura e de gramática, falta de desenvolvimento de habilidades de compreensão e produção orais, e a ausência de uma abordagem com gêneros discursivos.

The twenty-three years (1934-1957) between the end of the US Occupation and the start of the Duvalier era were a dynamic period of introspection and change in Haitian society. The relatively high degree of freedom of expression, the proliferation of ideologies like Marxism and Noirisme, and the "Revolution of 1946" were all linked to a transformation of Haitian politics and culture unprecedented since 1804. One clear indication of the spirit of this chapter of the country's history, which I have labeled the Haitian Sixties, was the progress made by the Kreyòl movement. After the setbacks under the US Occupation, the call for a legitimation of the popular language entered a phase of renewed vigor: it was bolstered by groundbreaking philological studies, concerted attempts to create a standard orthography, experiments in the use of the Kreyòl language as a medium of instruction, and a renaissance in Kreyòl-language literature. Yet as the movement progressed, it was hampered by new internal divisions and longstanding prejudices at different levels of Haitian society.

In questo saggio viene approfondito il percorso di ricerca sulla semantica della felicità nell’opera leopardiana, i cui primi risultati sono apparsi in un precedente articolo (cfr. “Otto/Nove- cento”, n. 2/2017). Attraverso un metodo d’indagine di natura lessicografica si intende analizzare qui ulteriori reti concettuali legate al termine “felicità”, al fine di offrire un quadro più completo su una questione complessa ed estesa nel pensiero dell’autore. I risultati del lavoro investono principalmente tre macro-aree tematiche: il legame tra la felicità e il pensiero scientifico; il rapporto che l’autore istituisce tra il valore della felicità e le strutture sociali; il ruolo di alcuni principi matematici e artistici, in particolar modo la prospettiva, nella riconfigurazione della felicità proposta da Leopardi.

This present article seeks to provide a mixed methodological model for the development and implementation of a Teaching Module for Spanish as a Foreign Language in the face to face environment. The primary objective is to portray how methodological principles from different language teaching approaches (such as task based language teaching and cooperative learning) can be combined effectively in designing activities for face to face contexts. In this regard, empirical evidence is analysed in order to determine the effectiveness of the mixed methodology in the teaching-learning of Spanish as a Foreign Language in the said settings, in a study based on a longitudinal experimental design with pre-test and post-test, but without control group. The findings will help to provide researchers, educators and language teachers with valid guidelines as it relates to the development of Teaching Modules and Units for Foreign Language Learning. The results show an increase in the acquisition of specific knowledge in Spanish as a Foreign Language, thus improving the students’ linguistic and communicative competence. It is therefore proposed that mixed methodological models be integrated and implemented when designing Teaching Modules for Language Learning, since they are the most suited for Second and Foreign Language Acquisition.

Key words: task-based language teaching and learning, task-based approach, cooperative approach, cooperative learning, mixed methodological model, mixed methodology, face to face method, teaching module, linguistic and communicative competence.

Attraverso un metodo d’indagine di natura lessicografica, il saggio mira a ricostruire le reti concettuali di un tema centrale quanto problematico nel sistema filosofico di Leopardi: la semantica della felicità. La questione della felicità coinvolge innumerevoli ambiti del sapere, apparentemente distanti tra loro, dalle scienze alla politica. Analizzandone la molteplicità delle implicazioni tematiche, mira ad esporre la profonda stratificazione del pensiero leopardiano sull’argomento, sia nel rapporto con le sue fonti, antiche e moderne, sia nella sua elaborazione di una prospettiva del tutto originale. Il lavoro presenta la prima parte dei risultati emersi dall’indagine, che si focalizzano soprattutto sul legame con la tradizione aristotelica e sulla funzione della felicità in rapporto allo stile e alla composizione poetica.

Spesso si studia una lingua straniera per viaggiare. Lo stesso apprendimento, in realtà, somiglia un po’ a un viaggio, in quanto ci fa scoprire la vita e la cultura di un Paese, nonché la storia e la mentalità di una popolazione, elementi che si riflettono nella lingua.
Per esprimersi bene in una lingua è necessario imparare a pensare con essa. È un’impresa ardua, che sovente viene accantonata nella prima fase dello studio. Se, invece, partissimo da una conoscenza organica delle differenze rispetto alla lingua madre, forse si riuscirebbe ad affrontare più serenamente il viaggio, magari trovando una via più agevole per avvicinarsi al modo di pensare giapponese.
Questo libro è dedicato a tutti gli italofoni curiosi della cultura giapponese: attraverso parole già familiari e aspetti della cultura ormai noti anche in Italia, offre loro uno strumento per comprendere il meccanismo con cui la lingua funziona.
La differenza tra le due lingue è enorme, non lo nascondiamo, non sarà quindi un apprendimento “senza fatica”, ma nessun timore: sarà un viaggio stimolante e divertente. È un percorso pratico, adatto a chi studia per hobby o per lavoro, e qualora visitasse il Giappone, potrà mettere in pratica tutto ciò che ha imparato qui.

This paper presents a comprehensive phonetic and phonological description of Northern Sangtam, an essentially undescribed Tibeto-Burman language of central Nagaland belonging to the Aoic subgroup. It is a noteworthy language from a number of phonological perspectives, not least because its phoneme inventory contains two of the world's rarest phonemes: a pre-stopped bilabial trill, and a doubly-articulated labial-coronal nasal. These unique segments are described in detail, and an attempt is made to determine how they might have developed their phonemic status. The tone system is also of interest, as it demonstrates evidence of debuccalization resulting in the development of a new high tone. Following a systematic description of the syllable and word structure, the tone system, and the segmental phonology, some observed age-related differences in the phoneme inventory are discussed. The paper is linked to an online repository containing the audiovisual data and transcribed word lists of approximately 900 items, based on the recorded utterances of eight speakers.

Interpreted preaching embodies the Pentecost belief that all peoples should hear the good news in their heart language communicated through preachers empowered by the Holy Spirit. This paper argues that interpreted preaching is distinct from other forms of preaching. This paper is a summary of the author’s doctoral work that is the first in theology to explore the historically overlooked event of consecutive side-by-side preaching with an interpreter. Interpreters have been of historical importance to evangelism and the global church, and continue to be utilised in churches and religious contexts. The biblical foundation of this paper is that God desires to communicate with people in their heart languages. A case study of SOMA, a short-term mission organisation that regularly uses interpreted preaching was undertaken. Qualitative interviews of preachers, interpreters, and bilingual listeners were conducted to examine the homiletic process before, during, and after the interpreted preaching event. Analysis of results demonstrates that there are significant differences in interpreted preaching from other forms of preaching. Interpreted preaching requires preachers to approach the task with a particular emphasis on nonverbal communication, establish a preaching rapport with the interpreter, as well as different methodology and praxis in preparation, delivery, and reflection. Interpreted preaching also significantly affects power dynamics and roles within the preaching space, with the interpreter considered a gatekeeper and co-preacher due to their linguistic, cultural, and theological fluency. These results confirm the hypothesis that interpreted preaching is a discrete homiletic.

-- Precursor of Tuiscon (Tuisto) as depicted in a German broadside by Nikolaus Stör c. 1543, with a caption by Burkard Waldis
-- Tvāṣṭra (त्वाष्ट्र) ‘Author त्रिशिरास्त्वाष्ट्रः of RV 10.8’; ‘a small car’, ‘copper’; tvāṣṭra
‘belonging to or coming from, Tvaṣṭṛi’; RV. i, 117, 22; AV. ; VS.
--Three-faced artisan on a neo-Assyrian cylinder seal, 8th-7th cent. BCE
--taṭṭār 'brass worker’ cognate: tvaṣṭar, tvaṣṭṛ m. a carpenter, maker of carriages (= taṣṭṛ)

This article traces the historical background of the term 'belly dance', the English-language name for a complex of solo, improvised dance styles of Middle Eastern and North African origin whose movements are based on articulations of the torso. The expression danse du ventre -- literally, "dance of the belly" -- was initially popularised in France as an alternate title for Orientalist artist Jean-Léon Gérôme's 1863 painting of an Egyptian dancer and ultimately became the standard designation for solo, and especially women's, dances from the Middle East and North Africa. The translation "belly dance" was introduced into English in 1889 in international media coverage of the Rue du Caire exhibit at the Parisian Exposition Universelle. A close examination of the historical sources demonstrates that the evolution of this terminology was influenced by contemporary art, commercial considerations, and popular stereotypes about Eastern societies. The paper concludes with an examination of dancers' attitudes to the various English-language names for the dance in the present day.

This study analyzes the language used in the construction of the personal identity of Dr. Heidegger through the labels attached to him, both given by self and by others, and his stance-taking. The researcher applies Discourse Analysis to analyze the main character's utterances. The researcher also uses Indexicality Principle by Bucholtz and Hall (2005) as a mechanism to analyze identity. The qualitative content analysis is used to analyze thoroughly and interpret text data to draw inference towards the utterances on the short story. The result of the study shows that Dr. Heidegger is labeled mostly with negative words by others, however, he responded to combat these labels by using re-appropriation or by revaluing the existing labels. Moreover, the stances taken by Dr. Heidegger are found to position himself among others. Together with the labels given by self and others, and his interlocutor(s) in his talk-in-interactions the findings reveal that he is a strange old man, who is very curious and knowledgeable. Lastly, the conclusion can also be drawn that language and discourse are central to the construction of identities that are not always determined by a person himself, but also bound up with how others perceive him.

This table began as a comparison of Etruscan words to other Indo-European words, and it is clear that the linkage to Etruscan illuminates some new patterns in Indo-European word relationships. We added for further comparison words from the Baltic group (Latvian), Kartvelian (Georgian) and Uralic (Finnish) and Basque, a "language isolate" that looks as much Indo-European as othes in the Indo-European group. For those who advocate Hurrian connections Hurrian words that are available have been added to the table.  *PIE specialists have been speculating on the idea that the three language families, Baltic, Uralic and Kartvelian may be related to Indo-European, perhaps as a super family.
  The Indo-European family of languages is believed to have originated north of the Black Sea (Pontic Region). Some scholars have indicated a Caucasus origin. Although we can't rule out borrowing among [unrelated] languages it appears from the interesting shifts that the languages in our "Indo-European Table may be one family. I found šāl-a, šali, šala (Hurrian)
ასული, asuli, daughter(Georgian); თვით, t’vit’, self (Georgian), sevi, self (Latvian), vete, (Albanian); ხუთი, khut’i, five (Georgian), пяць, piać (Belarussian), pieci (Latvian), pesë (Albanian), pente (Greek) and pajncha (Sanskrit) interesting. (The interesting relationships continue through the table. The table is alphabetically arranged via the right-hand column, Etruscan words.

In this paper Jones reviews the categories into which various linguists, working in different theoretical frameworks, have divided up the logico-semantic relations they have identified in texts. He stresses the potentially ambiguous and hence problematic nature of logical connectives, and suggests that macro-categories are preferable to micro-categories in analysing discourse relations. He notes that implicit conjunction (i.e. the absence of connectives) tends to predominate in expert writing, as evidenced in scientific and professional texts, and argues that this device both depends on and gives appropriate recognition to the strategies and knowledge the reader brings to the processes of decoding and meaning-construction. Jones offers a comprehensive investigation of logical connectives in the context of second language pedagogy, contrasting their ‘inappropriate’ use by non native speakers with their ‘underuse’ by native speakers to indicate the ultimate inadequacy of connectives for representing complex conceptual and particularly causal relations. Jones also discusses how relationships such as correlation and emergence rather than ‘cause and effect’ are foregrounded in much current writing, particularly in the sciences, furthering his argument that connectives are intrinsically inadequate and problematic. The paper concludes by suggesting that second language pedagogy can benefit by encouraging novice writers to adopt a more indirect approach to the representation of cause/consequence relations.

This monograph posits the presence of Meluhha artisans and seafaring merchants in Dilmun and failaka. This presence explains the decipherment of Dilmun seals, Barbar temple bronze bull's head and Failaka seals as Indus Script inscriptions constituting wealth-accounting ledgers, metalwork catalogues. Dilmun and Failaka seals are archives recording trade transactions with Meluhha (Sarasvati Civilization). Dilmun finds mention in cuneiform texts as a trade partner and as a trading post of the Mesopotamia and the Indus Valley Civilization trade route. The bronze bull's head found in Barbar Temple of Bahrein is paralleled by the artifacts of Early Dynastic Sumer as posited by Elisabeth CL During Caspers and also by the Indus Script rebus representation of ḍhangra 'bull' Rebus: ṭhakkura m. ʻ idol, deity (Pkt.); Mth. ṭhākur ʻ blacksmith.ʼ Thus, the deity venerated as the bull's head is a veneration of the ancestor blacksmith who has attained divinity; hence, ṭhakkura m. ʻ idol, deity in Meluhha (Indian sprachbund, 'speech union'). Three temples were discovered in Barbar village, Bahrein, and the oldest is dated to 3000 BCE. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Barbar_Temple

चषालः caṣāla on Yupa, made of wheat straw, an Indus Script hieroglyph, signifies pyrolysis/carburization in smelting ores into steel/hard alloys

Yupa is a kunda, a pillar of bricks. This kunda signifies a fire-alter or agnikunda in Vedic tradition. A signifier of the pillar is a चषालः caṣāla as its top piece. This चषालः caṣāla (Rigveda) is made of wheat straw for pyrolysis to convert firewood into coke to react with ore to create hard alloys, e.g. iron reacting with coke to create crucible steel or carburization of wrought iron in a crucible to produce steel. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Crucible_steel

The sacredness associated with चषालः caṣāla is demonstrated by the architectural splendour of ancient varaha sculptures in the Hindu tradition. On the varaha monolith in Khajuraho, the चषालः caṣāla is signified by Devi Sarasvati. On many other sculptures of varaha, the चषालः caṣāla is associated with Mother Earth भूदेवी bhudevi. A gallery of varaha sculptural splendour is embedded together with explanatory notes on the dcipherment of  metal work catalogue in a Rakhigarhi seal with a rhinoceros decorated with a scarf (dhatu 'scarf' rebus: dhatu 'ore').

The Indus Script hieroglyphic hypertexts get expanded into metaphors during the historical periods narrating Varaha as the third Avatara of Vishnu. In archaeometallurgical parlance, the चषालः caṣāla is the core pyrolysis process to create crucible steel and/or hard alloys in smelting processes.

See the yupa as a signifier on Kuwait gold disc with Indus Script hieroglyphs:

Hieroglyph: kunda = a pillar of bricks (Ka.); pillar, post (Tu.Te.); block, log (Malt.); kantu = pillar, post (Ta.)(DEDR 1723).

Rebus: kun.d. = a pit (Santali) kun.d.amu = a pit for receiving and preserving consecrated fire; a hole in the ground (Te.) kun.d.am, kun.d.a sacrificial fire
pit (Skt.) kun.d.a an altar on which sacrifices are made (G.)[i] gun.d.amu fire-pit; (Inscr.)
See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/01/octagonal-yupo-bhavati-satapatha.html चषालः caṣāla is made of wheat straw according to Satapatha Brāhmana.
caṣāla चषाल This is a Rigveda word which signifies the top-piece of the Yūpa.


1.162.01 Let neither Mitra nor Varun.a, Aryaman, A_yu, Indra, R.bhuks.in,nor the Maruts, censure us; when we proclaim in the sacrifice the virtus of the swift horse sprung from the gods. [a_yu = va_yu (a_yuh satataganta_ va_yuh, vaka_ralopo va_); r.bhuks.in = Indra; but,here Praja_pati, he in whom the r.bhus,or the devas, abide (ks.iyanti); sprung from the gods: devaja-tasya = born as the type of various divinities, who are identified with different parts (e.g. us.a_ va_ as'vasya medhyasya s'irah: Br.hada_ran.yaka Upanis.ad 1.1.1); legend: the horse's origin from the sun, either direct, or through the agency of the Vasus: sura_d as'vam vasavo niratas.t.a].
1.162.02 When they, (the priests), bring the prepared offering to the presence (of the horse), who has been bathed and decorated with rich (trappings), the various-coloured goat going before him, bleating, becomes an acceptable offering to Indra and Pu_s.an. [The prepared offering: ra_tim-gr.bhi_ta_m = lit. the seized wealth; the offering to be made for the horse; pu_s.an = Agni; the goat is to be tied to the front of the horse at the sacrificial post, such a goat, black-necked, kr.s.nagri_va (a_gneyah kr.s.n.agri_vah: Taittiri_ya Sam.hita_ 5.5.22), being always regarded as an a_gneya pas'u, or victim sacred to Agni, and to be offered to him (Ka_tya_yana Su_tra 98). A black goat is also dedicated to pu_s.an, along with soma (Yajus. xxix.58; but, he is also to be attached to the na_bhi or middle of the horse (Yajus. xxiv.1)].
1.162.03 This goat, the portion of Pu+s.an fit for all the gods, is brought first with the fleet courser, to that Tvas.t.a_ may prepare him along with the horse, as an acceptable preliminary offering for the (sacrificial) food. [The portion of Pu_s.an: he is to be offered in sacrifice to Pu_s.an or Agni; Tvas.t.a_ = sarvasyotpa_daka, the producer of all forms; tvas.t.a_ ru_pa_n.i vikaroti (Taittiri_ya Sam.hita_ 1.5.92); or, identified wiith Agni;preliminary offering purod.a_s'am = offering of cakes and butter; purasta_d-da_tavyam, that which is to be first offered].
1.162.04 When the priests at the season (of the ceremony), lead forth the horse, the offering devoted to the gods, thrice round (the sacrificial fire); then the goat, the portion of Pu_s.an, goes first, announcing the sacrificer to the gods. [The goat is to be first immolated]. 1.162.05 The invoker of the gods, the minister of the rite, the offerer of the oblation, the kindler of the fire, the bruiser of the Soma, the director of the ceremony, the saage (superintendent of the whole); do you replenish the rivers by this well-ordered, well-conducted, sacrifice. [The invoker of the gods: designations applied to eight of the sixteen priests employed at a solemn rite: the two first are: hota_ and adhvaryu; avaya_j = pratiprastha_ta_, who brings and places the offering; agnimindha = agni_dh, the kindler of the fire; gra_vagra_bha = the praiser of the stones that bruise the Soma,or he who applies the stones to that purpose; s'am.sta_ = pras'a_sta_; suvipra = Brahma_ (brahmaiko ja_te ja_te vidya_m vadatibrahma_ sarvavidyah sarva veditumarhati: Nirukta 1.8); replenish the rivers: vaks.an.a_ apr.n.adhvam, nadi_h pu_rayata, fill the rivers; the consequence of sacrifice being rain and fertility; or, it may mean, offer rivers of butter, milk, curds, and the like].
1.162.06 Whether they be those who cut the (sacrificial) post, or those who bear the post, or those who fasten the rings on the top of the post, to which the horse (is bound); or those who prepare the vessels in which the food of the horse is dressed; let the exertions of them all fulfil our expectation. [The post: twenty-one posts, of different kinds of wood, each twenty-one cubits long, are to be set up, to which the different animals are to be fastened, amounting to three hundred and forty-nine, besides two hundred and sixty wild animals, making a total of six hundred and nine (Ka_tya_yana); the text seems to refer to a single post: cas.a_lam ye as'vayu_pa_ya taks.ati: cas.a_la = a wooden ring, or bracelet, on the top of the sacrificial post; or, it was perhaps a metal ring at the foot of the post]. 

Satapatha Brāhmana describes this as made of wheaten dough (gaudhūma).

गौधूम [p= 369,3] mf(ई g. बिल्वा*दि)n. made of wheat MaitrS. i Hcat. i , 7 (f(आ).) made of wheat straw S3Br. v , 2 , 1 , 6 Ka1tyS3r. xiv , 1 , 22 and 5 , 7.

http://www.sanskritdictionary.com/agnir/961/6#sthash.aDu8onbZ.dpuf

"Pyrolysis has been used since ancient times for turning wood into charcoal on an industrial scale...Pyrolysis is used on a massive scale to turn coal into
coke for metallurgy, especially steelmaking."
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pyrolysis In archaeometallurgical terms, the use of wheat straw to prepare the चषालः caṣāla fixed atop a Yupa may relate to such pyrolysis process to convert charcoal used in the fire-altar (furnace) into charcoal/coke to react with the dhAtu in the earth subjected to smelting/melting process (e.g. iron reacting with coke in a crucible to be transmuted as steel).

చషాలము [ caṣālamu ] chashālamu. [Skt.] n. A chalice, or cup used in sacrifice. A ring attached to the sacrificial post in a horse sacrifice. రాజ మాయము నందు యూపస్తంభమునకు అడుగున తగిలించే కడియము.څليَ ṯs̱alaey, s.m. (1st) A ring for the finger. 2. A pillar of mud or stones as a mark for land. 3. A butt or mark for arrows. 4. A mound or platform for watching a field. 5. A temporary building or shed. Pl. يِ ī. See منا (Pashto)

चषाल [p= 391,2]mn. (g. अर्धर्चा*दि) a wooden ring on the top of a sacrificial post RV. i , 162 , 6 TS. vi Ka1t2h.xxvi , 4 (चशाल) S3Br. &c चषालः caṣālḥचषालः 1 A wooden ring on the top of a sacrificial post; चषालं ये अश्वयूपाय तक्षति Rv.1.162.6; चषालयूपत- च्छन्नो हिरण्यरशनं विभुः Bhāg.4.19.19.-2 An iron ring at the base of the post.-3 A hive.

In lokokti, the yupa is associated with potaraju. The word pota signifies casting or smelting of metal.

పోతురాజు or పోతరాజు pōtu-rāḍsu. n. The name of a rustic god, like Pan, worshipped throughout the Telugu, Canarese and Mahratta countries. He represents the male principle associated with the village goddesses Gangamma, Peddamma, &c. A proverb says పాడుఊరికి మంచపుకోడుపోతురాజు in a ruined village the leg of a cot is a god. cf., 'a Triton of the minnows' (Shakespeare.) పోత [ pōta ] pōta. [Tel. from పోయు.] n. Pouring, పోయుట. Casting, as of melted metal. Bathing, washing. Eruption of the small pox. ఆకుపోత putting plants into the ground. పెట్టుపోతలు శాశ్వతములుకావు meat and drink (literally, feeding and bathing) are not matters of eternal consequence. పోత pōta. adj. Molten, cast in metal. పోతచెంబు a metal bottle or jug, which has been cast not hammered.

పోతము [ pōtamu ] pōtamu. [Skt.] n. A vessel, boat, ship. ఓడ. The young of any animal. పిల్ల. శిశువు. An elephant ten years old, పదేండ్ల యేనుగు. A cloth,వస్త్రము. శుకపోతము a young parrot. వాతపోతము a young breeze, i.e., a light wind. పోతపాత్రిక pōta-pātrika. n. A vessel, a ship, ఓడ. "సంసార సాగరమతుల ధైర్యపోత పాత్రికనిస్తరింపుముకు మార." M. XII. vi. 222. పోతవణిక్కు or పోతవణిజుడు pōta-vaṇikku. n. A sea-faring merchant. ఓడను కేవుకు పుచ్చుకొన్నవాడు, ఓడ బేరగాడు. పోతవహుడు or పోతనాహుడు pōta-vahuḍu. n. A rower, a boatman, a steersman. ఓడనడుపువాడు, తండేలు.

Shapes of Yupa: A. Commemorative stone yupa, Isapur – from Vogel, 1910-11, plate 23; drawing based on Vedic texts – from Madeleine Biardeau, 1988, 108, fig. 1; cf. 1989, fig. 2); C. Miniature wooden yupa and caSAla from Vaidika Samsodana Mandala Museum of Vedic sacrificial utensils – from Dharmadhikari 1989, 70) (After Fig. 5 in Alf Hiltebeitel, 1988, The Cult of Draupadi, Vol. 2, Univ. of Chicago Press, p.22)

This article proposes a new formal reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European (PIE) nouns containing the suffix *–oi–. I argue that both primary and non-primary derivatives in this class had stress alternating between the derivational suffix and the following inflectional ending (e.g., ACC.SG *[-óy-ṃ] vs. GEN *[-y-ós]) rather than the "amphikinetic" alternation between root and inflectional ending (ACC.SG *[´-oy-ṃ] vs. GEN *[-y-ós]) that is traditionally assumed for all primary nominals with suffixal *[o]-vocalism under the widely accepted “Erlangen Model” (Schindler 1975a,b, Rix 1992) of Indo-European morphophonology. Support for this alternative reconstruction comes from Hittite, which confirms that the suffixal stress seen in the Greek reflex of this noun class was inherited from PIE rather than root stress as in Vedic Sanskrit. More broadly, I contend that an adequate account of the prosodic behavior of PIE *–oi-stems requires (i) abandoning the traditional connection between suffixal *[o]-grade and "amphikinetic" word stress; and (ii) adopting a framework (such as the one articulated by Kiparsky 2010) in which the suffix's capacity to attract stress in both primary and non-primary derivation can be modeled in a unified way.

This study extracted and analyzed the linguistic speech patterns that characterize Japanese anime or game characters. Conventional morphological analyzers, such as MeCab, segment words with high performance, but they are unable to segment broken expressions or utterance endings that are not listed in the dictionary, which often appears in lines of anime or game characters. To overcome this challenge, we propose segmenting lines of Japanese anime or game characters using subword units that were proposed mainly for deep learning, and extracting frequently occurring strings to obtain expressions that characterize their utterances. We analyzed the subword units weighted by TF/IDF according to gender, age, and each anime character and show that they are linguistic speech patterns that are specific for each feature. Additionally, a classification experiment shows that the model with subword units outperformed that with the conventional method.

This paper addresses the scientific and social interests in the comparative analysis of the international importance of language. In order to classify the different approaches to this analysis according to the criteria on which they are based, the following typology is proposed: the perception of importance, the estimation of importance, and the calculation of complex indexes. Secondly, the study provides an update to the international language index and its indicators for the year 2020. Finally, the results are analyzed and compared with those of the previous indexes. The analysis provides a picture of the plural and polycentric constellation of international languages including Spanish and Portuguese, defined by their areas of influence and spread.

Abstract:
Moldova is an ex-Soviet country in the southestern part of Europe
between Romania and Ukraine. Historical Moldovia or ‘Kara Bogdan’ in the Ottoman terminology, became a vassal state of the Ottoman mpire in 16th century. As a result of Turkish-Russian War 18061812, ast Moldovia was annexed to Russia and re-named Bessarabia
by the Russian rulers. Moldovans and Romanians share same language and a common cultural heritage. This ‘tiny’ and 'poor' country choosed ts path towards the European Union and Romania against opposition of Pro-Russian circles and Transnistrian separatist movement
supported by the Russia Federation. In this paper contemporary Moldova’s recent social and political stuation will be examined briefly at the historical background.

Keywords: Moldovia, Romania, Bogdan, Bessarabia, Transnistria, Gagauz.


Özet
Moldova, Avrupa’nın güneydoğusunda, Romanya ile Ukrayna arasındaki
bir eski Sovyet ülkesidir. Tarihi Moldova veya Osmanlı kullanımındaki
‘Kara Boğdan’ 16. yy’da Osmanlı devletinin bağlısı bir devlet
haline gelmiştir. 1806-1812 Osmanlı-Rus Savaşı’nın sonunda Doğu
Moldova Rusya’ya ilhak olunmuş ve Rus yöneticilerce Bessarabya diyeadlandırılmıştır. Moldovalılar ve Romenler aynı dile ve ortak bir
kültürel mirasa sahiptirler. Bu küçük ve fakir ülke, Rus lehtarı çevrelerin ve Rusya Federasyonu’nca desteklenen Trans-Dnyester ayrılıkçı hareketinin rağmına Avrupa Birliği ve Romanya yolunu seçmiştir. Bu akale çağdaş Moldova’nın toplumsal ve siyasi durumunu tarihi zeminiyle birlikte kısaca incelemektedir.

Anahtar Kelimeler:
Moldova, Romanya, Bogdan, Bessarabya, Trans Dnyester, Gagauzlar.

Data mining of Indus Script Corpora reveal the purpose of ceramic (stoneware) bangles (22), seals, fillets as dharma saṁjñā, 'badges of responsibility'.They are Corporate badges, with deciphered Indus Script inscriptions. Socio-cultural framework of a workshop (smithy-forge as a temple) for a cluster of Vedic villages unravels organization of artisanal-seafaring merchant society as a Corporation with ancient guilds.

The reference to an archaeological settlement of Sarasvati civilization is based on the finds of fire-altars in many sites (80% or over 2000 sites out of 2600 sites of the Indus valley civilization are on the banks of Vedic River Sarasvati), exemplified by the octagonal brick found in Binjor fire-altar (close to Anupgarh and Ganweriwala). At Anupgarh, the river forks into two channels: one flowing southwards towards Jaisalmer and another westwards towards Ganweriwala.


Binjor Indus Script seal PLUS fire-altar with octagonal brick (a signature tune of Vedic culture). See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/12/binjor-seal-with-indus-script.html 
Binjor seal with Indus Script deciphered. Binjor attests Vedic River Sarasvati as a Himalayan navigable channel en route to Persian Gulf
Locus of Binjor, near Anupgarh on Vedic River Sarasvati

There are clear intimations of precursors to corporate life in ancient Bharatam with the social organization of the samajam governed by the weltanchauung of dharma. By unambiguous allocation of socio-cultural responsibilities governing the economic activity and businesses (production and marketing) of Bharatam Janam in clusters of villages, dharma was enshrined as the inviolate principle of all cosmic phenomena manifested in material aspects of living.

There are clear indications that cororate form (sreni) was used for the business of people. One one ceramic (stoneware) bangle (m1639) such a sreni is clearly identified headed by a sreshthin, guild-master. Thus, millennia before the Roman proto-corporations, Bharatam Janam, 'metalcaster folk' had evolved a system of socio-cultural organization of commonwealths (janapadas) for conducting businesses. Assets of the sreni were deposited into the treasury of the commonwealth and were distinct from the assets of the individual members of the sreni, many of whom were artisans and seafaring merchants.
Location of Balakot, a site of Saraswvati civilization where a ceramic (stoneware) bangle with inscription was found. (Balakot 06)
See: http://www.penn.museum/sites/expedition/shell-working-at-ancient-balakot-pakistan/ Shell working at Ancient Balakot, Pakistan (Expedition, UPenn., Vol. 19, Issue 2, January, 1977)
  Balakot 06 Ceramic (stoneware) bangle with inscription

Intimations of such janapadas are seen in the way distinct badges (as corporate badges) evolved for specific functionaries. Roots of the corporate form detailed in Kautilya's Arthas'astra are to be found in the corporate identities indicated by distinct structural elements in Indus Script corpora such as ceramic (stoneware) bangles, fillets, seals -- all with inscriptions -- as Dharma saṁjñā Corporate badges. For an Economic History of Corporate form in Ancient India, see a paper by Vikramaditya S. Khanna (2005): http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=796464

It is possible to read the sã̄gāḍā°ḍī 'lathe, portable furnace' hieroglyph-multiplex as rebus: sanghar 'fortification'; jangada 'consignments on approval' The pronunciation in Gujarati is jangaḍ relatable to jangāḍiyo ‘a military guard who accompanies treasure into the treasury’ (of the commonwealth or guild)(Gujarati). Such a dharma saṁjñā 'corporate badge' may be the gold fillet with 'lathe' hieroglyph.

Gold paṭa, 'fillet'. Punctuated design on both ends. Mohenjodaro.


Executive summary: Socio-cultural framework of Vedic village clusters of Bronze Age

The workshops evidenced by circular platforms are Corporations of the Bronze Age, with the emergence of guilds of artisans with specific functions and responsibilities to promote the Corporation as a commonwealth. It was a smiths' guild at work on circular platforms of Harappa using tablets as category 'tallies' for the final shipment of package with a seal impression. each functionary in the guild had a recognizable paṭa 'badge' (Corporate badge of dharma, of responsibility assigned in a socio-cultural organization of the samajam). A Bronze Age village of Bharatam Janam or a cluster of such villages was a janapada, a Corporation of artisan guilds.

Three paṭa 'badges' are shown on the stone statue of the so-called 'priest-king' who wears a fillet on his forehead and also on hi right shoulder. A third badge is signified on his uttariyam (shawl) which is embellished with the hieroglyphs of 'trefoils' signifying tri-dhAtu 'three mineral' strands of dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter', with assigned functional responsibility.of a Potr 'purifier'.

It is suggested that many such badges were worn by artisans of a Vedic village of the Bronze Age; such badges were ceramic (stoneware) bangles.
  An "eye bead" made of gold with steatite inlay, Harappa. Fired steatite beads appear to have been extremely important to the Indus people because they were incorporated into exquisite ornaments, such as this "eye bead" made of gold with steatite inlay found in 1995 at Harappa [Harappa Phase]. https://www.harappa.com/slide/gold-disc
The central ornament worn on the forehead of the famous "priest-king" sculpture from Mohenjo-daro appears to represent an eye bead, possibly made of gold with steatite inlay in the center. https://www.harappa.com/slide/priest-king-forehead

 
The weltanchauung, 'world perception' of artisans in a Vedic village was governed by 1. dharma, assigned responsibilities and 2. the metaphor of a kole.l 'smithy-forge' as a kole.l 'temple'.
Male head probably broken from a seated sculpture. Finely braided or wavy combed hair tied into a double bun on the back of the head and a plain fillet or headband with hanging ribbons falling down the back. The upper lip is shaved and a closely cropped and combed beard lines the pronounced lower jaw.
  Male head shows the typical arrangement of the hair in a double bun, held in place by a thin fillet (badge) tied on the forehead.

Functions assigned were recognized by distribution of ceramic (stoneware) bangles worn as paṭa, 'socio-cultural honour-badges'. Such a paṭa m. ʻ slab, tablet, metal plate ʼ,was distinct from the seals and tablets.

Such a paṭa was a gold fillet with the inscribed sã̄gāḍā°ḍī 'lathe, portable furnace' hieroglyph-multiplex .

Hieroglyph: सांगड [ sāṅgaḍa ]  That member of a turner's apparatus by which the piece to be turned is confined and steadied. सांगडीस धरणें To take into linkedness or close connection with, lit. fig.Rebus 1: Sangara [fr. saŋ+gṛ1 to sing, proclaim, cp. gāyati & gīta] 1. a promise, agreement J iv.105, 111, 473; v.25, 479; sangaraŋ karoti to make a compact Vin i.247; J (Pali) Rebus 2: śã̄gaḍa 'catamaran'. Such a सांगड [ sāṅgaḍa ] is alsoa hieroglyph-multiplex, f A body formed of two or more (fruits, animals, men) linked or joined together.

Such a paṭa were two anthropomorphs of copper/bronze with spread legs of a human body. The rebus reading of the hieroglyph-multiplex (hypertext) on the badges: 1. helmsman, merchantman, (metal) suercargo, engraver, merchant, worker in wood and iron; 2. helmsman, (metal) supercargo, iron worker

Spread legs on both anthropomorphs signify कर्णक 'spread legs' rebus: 'helmsman'

Sharply defined inscriptions on each of the 22 ceramic (stoneware) bangles indicate 21 sharply assigned responsibilities within the guild for metalwork, for e.g. 21 functional allocations of responsibilitie of artisans delineated in a Vedic village:
1. iron smelting, furnace work (m1659)
2. metal casting, engraving, documenting supercargo (m1647)
3. bronze (casting)(m1646)
4. gota (laterite) (m1641)
5. Seafaring merchant, magnetite ingot workshop (m1643)
6. Smithy, forge (m1641)
7. Moltencast copper, brass (m1640)
8. Alloy metal mint, weapons, implements workshop, guild master workshop (m1639)
9. Bronze ingots, implements, magnetite ingots (m1638)
10. Metalcasting workshop (cire perdue?)(m1637)
11. Metal implements, weapons, smithy, forge (m1636)
12. Blacksmith, seafaring merchant (m1634)
13. Helman for supercargo boat, iron furnace work, metals workshop (m1633)
14. Metal casting, alloy mixing workshop (m1632)
15. dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter', supercargo of implements (m1631)
16. Magnetite ingots, furnace work, supercargo engraver (m1630)
17. Iron furnace work, metal casting of tin, helmsman supercargo of metals, bharat ‘mixed alloys’  metalworker (m1629)
18. Minerals workshop guild (h2576)
19. Magnetite ingots, smelter (h1010)
20. dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter' tri-dhAtu, '‘three minerals (H98-3516/8667-01)
21. Seafaring merchant, supercargo engraver(Blkt-6)

-- An excursus on IIT Kharagpur July 2022 Calendar page  https://www.amazon.in/dp/B09PL3RK7H

This is an addendum to: Cosmicआध्यात्मिका inquiry in Skambha Suktam (AV X.7, 8),अष्टाश्रि yupa inscriptions of Binjor (ca. 2500 BCE) & 19 octagonal yupa inscriptions (historical periods, from Rajasthan to East Borneo) 
http://tinyurl.com/hue2bzn


Indus Script inscriptions compare with Yupa inscriptions of Yajña-s in Vedic tradition 
http://tinyurl.com/nnq57yggg


Venerated शिवलिङ्ग of Mohenjo-daro with वेदिका; trefoil is Indus Script Cipher wealth proclamation of त्रिधातवी इष्टि three minerals' metal infusion
https://tinyurl.com/y5ce8gfa
Master of animals is a bull-man, a blacksmith, a celestial being, generator of wealth of a nation https://tinyurl.com/y29nwwof
Venerated Trefoil. Mohenjo-daro and Bactrian priests wear तार्प्य Sky Garment of Varuṇa Indus Script signifiers of dhā̆vaḍ potr̥, 'smelter, purifier priest' https://tinyurl.com/ycpghhse
8-shape of gold brooch signifies mēḍhā 'twist' rebus मेधा 'yajna, wealth'
https://tinyurl.com/y4bywec6

Trefoil hypertext trō̃ŕyak of Indus Script Corpora deciphered as tryambak, ‘three copper minerals’ 
https://tinyurl.com/ybrwhcft


Kal. Kalasha (Kaláṣa — Dard.) Kal.rumb. trō̃ŕyak ʻ clover ʼ(CDIAL 6080) *triparṇaka -- : Kal. Kalasha (Kaláṣa — Dard.)Kal.rumb. tryō̃ŕ(y)ak ʻ trefoil ʼ rather than < *trōṭikā -- .(CDIAL 14584)


 


RV 1.35.1
हिरण्यस्तूप आङ्गिरसः। दे. १ (पादानां क्रमेण) अग्निः, मित्रावरुणौ, रात्रिः, सविता च )

ह्वयाम्यग्निं प्रथमं स्वस्तये ह्वयामि मित्रावरुणाविहावसे ।

ह्वयामि रात्रीं जगतो निवेशनीं ह्वयामि देवं सवितारमूतये ॥१॥

AGNI I first invoke for our prosperity; I call on Mitra, Varuna, to aid us here.

I call on Night who gives rest to all moving life; I call on Savitar the God to lend us help.

RV 7.35.10


शं नो देवः सविता त्रायमाणः शं नो भवन्तूषसो विभातीः ।


शं नः पर्जन्यो भवतु प्रजाभ्यः शं नः क्षेत्रस्य पतिरस्तु शम्भुः ॥१०॥


Prosper us Savitar, the God who rescues, and let the radiant Mornings be propitious.

Auspicious to all creatures be Parjanya, auspicious be the fields' benign Protector.


Excerpts from MS Vats Excavations at Harappa, 1940 related to the discovery of Four large stone lingams & several small replicas

The LIfeforce of mankind is money - the oxygen network that should be given as a Universal salary to all human beings to vote the re=production and consumption in a demand based democratic economy of the welfare goods they need to survive. Once the yous steal it converting WHealthy grain given to each citizen in the neolithic into hypnotic parasitic go(l)d tax farmed from them to multiply the weapons that control them 5000 years ago allied to germanic weapons, corrupting every organ of humanity with it, History went down, all the way to its present state in which 50 yous own as much as the 50%, for they issue in monopoly the blood of mankind to maximize the equation of you capitalism Max. profits = Goods of max. pricesales (weapons) - mind. cost (hate memes). This is the basis of a you capitalist civilination. But nobody explains it for class-ist economics has brain washed scholars, so the organism of History is ignored. So as we move to the predicted W.W.III to maximize those profits humanity goes down the gutter.
It is only fitting to conclude the encyclopedia with the last 2 books I printed on the economic system and the extinction of the earth to get to the magic number of 60 that completes the hexadecalogic structure of the universe. So I am republishing at academia the books i published every decade in world war III since 30 years ago during my masters at Columbia University,  I discovered an error in the periodicity of the most important cycle of the science of economics, the Kondratieff cycle that separates the different St-ages of the Industrial r=evolution of machines.  Kondratieff analyzed the Industrial Revolution in Russia, concluding that for 50 years the train was the engine of its development; thus establishing a 50 year cycle of economical activity that bears his name. However in 3rd World countries machines arrive latter, when they have already evolved in the Industrial World. So the Russian cycle of steam was shorter than the World’s cycle. When we make an exhaustive analysis of the cycle in the Western World, where those machines were discovered, we find a longer 72 years generational cycle.  The causes of that exact 72±8 year cycle of global stock-crashes are simple. The Industrial Revolution is the Evolution of Machines & Money, energetic and informative systems, traditionally made of metal, which follow the laws of morphologic evolution. Machines and money evolve according to the energy and information, they use to become re=produced.
Humans evolve a new type of energy and information, derived from that energy, which renews all the machines and financial instruments of the economy every human generation of 72 years, in which a nation of ‘founding fathers’, captains of industries, their sons and grand-sons, reproduce and evolve a new energy, machine and form of money to its perfection. Yet at the end of the cycle, the machine and money becomes over-reproduced, saturating the market and provoking, due to a crisis of growth, a global economical crash. Those generations bring the nation that discovered the new energy to a top predator status of history, as the substance of which weapons are made.
—Thus, we had an age of steam machines, the age of England, between 1780s and 1857, followed by a crisis of overproduction of steam machines and stock-money that brought the 1857±7 years crashes of the train-based economy.
—From 1857 to 1929, we lived in the age of electro-chemical energies, machines and chemical explosives, dominated by Germany, followed by a crisis of overproduction of cars and radios, which caused the 1929 crash, 72 years after the train crash.
—It came then the III cycle of electronic machines, electronic money and Nuclear Bombs that took place from 1929-2001, the age of America; which again ended in the dotcom and mortgage crashes, 72+7 years after 1929.
- Followed by the Age of the Singularity, the IV Cycle of Evolution of machines, dominated by robots that would come after an age of global wars that unmistakably separated those cycles but was a taboo subject in the study of economics as a science.
And yet the dates of the war phase of Kondratiff’s cycle were clear. Each technological cycle started and ended in an age of global wars in which machines were reconverted into its ‘evil twins’, top predator weapons used then in a crescendo period of global wars, starting by ‘splendid little wars’ when those machines were tested in 3rd world countries, followed by an age of ‘civil wars’ in the peripheral regions of decadent, broken old empires, followed by an industrial all-out war between the old and new industrial powers of the cycle, concluding with a holocaust of the financial and military elites that carried the cycle to its conclusion. This part of the generNational cycle of global power was unsettling. So I researched in depth all its details before daring to write a paper for publication.
Then it came another disquieting surprise: scholar historic and economic magazines refused to publish; a book I wrote on the subject was rejected by over one hundred editorials and so I had to pay a small printing press (Bookmasters, Ohio) to print ‘Bio-History, Bio-Economics’, the full model which had by then grown to an entire analysis of Human history, since the cycle as most periodic processes of Nature had a longer and shorter decametric wave of 800 years cycles of evolution and reproduction of top predator weapons that erased all Eurasian civilinations (cultures divided in tribal nations that oppose each other in wars); the bronze, chariot, iron, coin, chivalry, gunpowder and digital age of weapons that now become the protagonists of III world war, and the short ±8 years cycle of splendid little wars.
So 30 years ago came out the first book on the series of World Wars, which I send to different think-tanks and Universities that ignored it, because of what I came to call the anti-quantum paradox: Unlike in physics where the scientist is so large it influences the observable in History the social scientist is inside the organism, either a fascist dictatorship or a capitalist society ruled by those company-mothers of machines and weapons and its lobbies that corrupt its politicos.
So they don’t distribute ideas against the cycle. And both sides of it, fascist dictators and capitalist speculators work to make it happen. Thus in this 3rd round on the global age of wars between two different blocks of Earth’s nations, roughly divided into a capitalist, dominant block that produces the best weapons, and a fascist, smaller group more warrior-prone… that will take war to its natural final stage of annihilation, I don’t expect the world to listen.
This was the last published book in English, again in a small print X-libris after several rejections, a decade ago...

But why to publish in smaller books, obscure academic outlets and blogs blocked in both blocks? Because after the war ends, and the ‘belli nervi, pecunia et cadaver infinita’ engine of war and its idol-ogies of nationalism (the worship of weapons) and capitalism (the worship of go(l)d) recede, there will be if humanity survives, a last chance for humanism, as there was the (wasted) chance of Bretton Woods and UNO, when humanity might humbly reflect on their Nature as ‘dust of spacetime’, and before returning to dust, reform the system along the organic, natural measures explained in the larger humanist model of those texts, which is the final evolution of a perfect, ideal world that serves the need of the 99%, not those of dictators & stockrats owners of arm companies that seek only power and profits with p-lineal momentum and manifest destiny all the way to hell.  There is still a window for peace if EU nations recognize NATO’s militarism was part of the problem, by-pass Zelenski’s TV-hero role & press hate memes, let Russia withdraw with honor, phasing out sanctions, offering both nations entrance to EU, as Putin might accept democratic reforms before retiring. But if those sanctions destroy Russia he’ll go into an all-out revenge Nuclear war before submitting. We are NOT justifying him but asking mankind to come to its senses before destroying itself once more.

The primary concern of this study is to understand how curse affects the power of blessing in Genesis 1–11. First, we examine the semantics of blessing and curse in light of their history of interpretation. Second, each blessing (1:22, 28; 9:1–3, 7, 26, 27) and curse (3:14–15, 16, 17–19; 4:11–12; 9:25) that occurs within reported speech in Genesis 1–11 is categorized and examined according to its linguistic pattern and performative character. Third, the role of blessing and/or curse is determined in the development of narrative tension in the various discourse units of Genesis 1–11.
Blessing and curse are shown to be intimately connected to Creation theology: blessing is given to drive Creation toward its intended telos, while curse is pronounced when that telos is threatened. Both are a central part of Yahweh's upholding of the Order of Creation. Curse affects the power of blessing both negatively and positively in Genesis 1–11. Negatively, curse causes hostility and alienation, and can also be held partially responsible for the epidemic of death. But curse does not have the final word. Positively, curse mitigates rebellion by imposing restrictions on the transgressor. Furthermore, curse carries with it a way for life to continue.
The narrative of Genesis 1–11 bespeaks of the power words have in the world. Some create, some commission, some empower; while others punish, others alienate, and others cause death. From the beginning God has intended good for his Creation. Blessings and curses are one way of achieving that end.

The entire massive literature on "Aryan" "race" is a big humbug. There is no need to waste time on this. The problem is the misguided "racists" do not want to accept that there was a rich culture indigenous to this region called Harappan or Saraswati-Sindhu region. The new migrants to India, the British and all the Europeans, had their own unresolved identity issues and confusion of chronology with the brain washing of non-scientific Biblical chronology which they could not reconcile. They had to let their fantasies loose to create a bogus reality under elaborately complex scholarship which all cultures in the world were trapped into for centuries. Hitler too got caught up in it because of his own (or hid peoples') identity issues. It was one hell of an irrational "superiority complex" related debate that is still prevalent and gets dignified as as a "controversial" intellectual domain. The human Unconscious drives attached to this need for superiority works in mysterious ways in all the proponents of this "Aryan" race and "Aryan" superior culture debate. Even Indians have their own inferiority and superiority complexes tied to this identity debate. Mahabharata shows that Afghanistan was Gandhara and the old Bharatvarsha extended far beyond thaton the west beyond current Pakistan into Iran. There were onland and maritime travels and intercourse with trade and exchange of knowledge for 10 to 25 thousand years. The culture in Sindhu-saraswati region was highly industrious and developed with very high metallurgic skills. Dr. Kalyanaraman has done extensive research of this. Initially the entire house of cards of Aryan theory was built on linguistic derivatives. Since then a lot of energy is spent to justify the bogus fantasies of the European immigrants to India with their own identity confusion and need to establish their superiority. Everything boils down to the Euro-centric thinking. All of these histories are somebodies fantasies couched as scientific, linguistic and even genetic facades. Like you say the word Arya has no racist connotation whatsoever.

Si le siècle des Lumières est celui d’une codification et d’une comparaison des langues, d’une attention toute particulière portée à leur formation, leur mécanique et leur système, il est également celui de débats sur les écritures « hiéroglyphiques ». Les penseurs s’intéressent aux écritures obscures, cachées ou chiffrées et qui nourrissent une étrange alliance, celle de la langue avec la crypte – au double sens d’écriture liée au rite et d’écriture cryptée. Poètes, grammairiens et philosophes cherchent à établir une « correspondance » ou à saisir l’« universelle analogie » qui existerait entre le langage et le monde, posant avec une acuité nouvelle la question de l’universalité de la pensée humaine confrontée à la diversité des langues. En examinant plusieurs théories des hiéroglyphes, les enjeux de cet imaginaire de l’écriture apparaissent : sont créées même des fictions de langue caractéristiques des Lumières.