Roman History

Groundwater vulnerability assessment is a crucial step in the efficient management of groundwater resources, especially in areas with intensive anthropogenic activities and groundwater pollution. In the
present study, the DRASTIC method was applied using Geographic Information System (GIS) to delineate
groundwater vulnerability zones in the Erbil Dumpsite area, Central Erbil Basin, North Iraq. Results
showed that the area was classified into four vulnerability classes: Very low (16.97%), low (27.67%),
moderate (36.55%) and high (18.81%). The southern, south-eastern and northern parts of the study area
exhibited the highest vulnerability potential, while the central-northern, northern and north-western regions
displayed the lowest vulnerability potential. Moreover, results of the single-parameter sensitivity analysis
indicated that amongst the seven DRASTIC parameters, the unsaturated zone and the aquifer media were
the most influencing parameters. In conclusion, the correlation of 25 nitrate concentration values with the
final vulnerability map, assessed using the Pearson correlation coefficient, yielded a satisfactory result of
R = 0.72.

In the 16th century, Muslim cartography once more began a resurgence, which was primarily caused by the rise of the Ottoman Empire and its relations with Europe. Be it the Tunisian ‘Ali al-Sharafi or the Ottoman fleet admiral Piri Reis. This resurgence was
primarily expressed in the accuracy of the maps, which, unlike the Islamic maps before from the Middle Ages, were no longer only symbolic, and schematic, but became much more detailed. This innovation was adopted from Western Europe in the Muslim world
and was soon used. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the 16th-century Black Sea portolan authored by ‘Ali al-Sharafi and conduct a comparative analysis with Piri Reis and some contemporary
European maps from that era. The aim is to read and clarify the toponymy of the eastern Black Sea coast as presented on the portolan, within the scope of possibility. Also, we can consider the mentioned map as one of the indicators of the growing interest of the Ottoman Empire in Western Georgia and the Black Sea area in general. The work of ‘Ali al-Sharafi is a kind of atlas in which the seas are given separately. We have two versions of it – 1551 and 1571. In the context of the Eastern Black Sea coast and Georgia, there are several facts worth noting. First of all, it should be noted, that the eastern Black Sea coast was actually neglected or wrongly characterized in medieval
Arab geographical works and maps. For example, the most common mistake was that in the geographical area where West Georgia was located, north of Trabzon, it was mostly referred to as al-Lan. This was the case, for example, with al-Muqaddasi al-Bashari’s map (10th century) and al-Idrisi’s map (11th century). Therefore, this portolan is one of the first times when West Georgia was properly shown on the Arab-Muslim geographical map. ‘Ali al-Sharafi’s portolan is the first time Western Georgia appeared properly on the Arab-Islamic geographical map, which was directly derived from Western European geographical knowledge, to which we must add the interests of the
Ottomans in the Caucasus, in particular in the eastern Black Sea region. Meanwhile, there are a few different details. One of the main differences was the eastern variants of the toponyms. For example, the names of Poti and Sukhumi are in the form of Fafi and Sukhim on the maps. It should be noted that on European maps the same cities are found with different names such as Phasis and Sebastopol. In this case, we should assume the Ottoman influence when determining the spelling of the names, which indicates that the author did not use only European maps and geographical knowledge.
In addition, some cities on the northern and southern shores of the Black Sea have flags attached to them, which were characteristic of Western European maps. On the 1551 map, there are flags in some cities around the Black Sea (there are 63 flags in the entire atlas), which are more numerous than on the 1571 map. At the same time, the flags usually mark the important cities of the era, although in this case some of the less important places also have a flag, as well as many flags are very similar and repeated. In some cases, the flag on the 1551 map differs from the flags on the 1571 map. Flags do not only have the shape of a square, and their shapes are different (mostly the square has two or three-pronged shapes added to it), it can be hexagonal, an irregular hexagon (schematically an equilateral trapezoid attached to a rectangle) or simply a flag.
There are four flags on the north-western Black Sea coast. All four have the same shape. There is only one flag in the northeastern Black Sea region. The flag of the toponym Karkari (Gagra) on the map is rectangular and has two crescents on a burgundy background. At first glance, it has an “X” shape, but if you look closely, the left and right sides are slightly curved inside. Then there is the southern Black Sea coast where 4 flags are given. First, from the east to the west of Trabzon should be Tirebol, then Fatsa, Gerze and finally the city of Amasra. As for the 1571 manuscript, six flags are given on the Black Sea portolan, none of which match the 1551 maps’ flags. However, in the case of the 5 flags (except Istanbul), they are identical flags and the difference is only in colours. Each of them has the shape of an irregular hexagon and in the middle is drawn a blue circle with a black dot in the heart. Two flags have a green background, and the other two have a red background. Two flags are on the northwestern Black Sea coast, and three are in the south, one of which is completely damaged.
To summarize, the given material revealed some interesting details. For example, Gagra and the flag on his head, which we have not seen anywhere before. The maps are made with an interval of 20 years, and the author has already made some changes to the portolan of 1571, be it a variety of names or different flags. The mentioned portolans are an object of interesting study and this process can be continued further, to clarify the toponyms even more.

En 1988 se creó, por primera vez, una cátedra de Historia Antigua en la Cataluña postguerra civil. La cátedra de Historia Antigua había sido asociada a la de Prehistoria, regida por el profesor. D. Joan Maluquer de Montes i Nicolau, quien no aprovechó la oportunidad de dividir ambas cátedras en el momento, en el que tanto la asignatura de Prehistoria como la de Historia Antigua se convirtieron en dos materias troncales en los planes de estudio

E’ il secondo di due volumi di un’opera che cerca di illustrare le vie e le città d’Italia esistenti in epoca romana. I tracciati delle strade sono dedotti da due fonti primarie, l’Itinerarium Antonini Augusti e la Tabula Peutingeriana, da molteplici fonti secondarie, fra cui principalmente il Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World, e da reperti archeologiche, notizie storiche e altro. Per i centri abitati l’attenzione è dedicata principalmente ai centri di cui è stato possibile definire la cerchia delle mura e quindi l’estensione dell’abitato racchiuso fra le stesse.

E’ il primo di due volumi di un’opera che cerca di illustrare le vie e le città d’Italia esistenti in epoca romana. I tracciati delle strade sono dedotti da due fonti primarie, l’Itinerarium Antonini Augusti e la Tabula Peutingeriana, da molteplici fonti secondarie, fra cui principalmente il Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World, e da reperti archeologiche, notizie storiche e altro. Per i centri abitati l’attenzione è dedicata principalmente ai centri di cui è stato possibile definire la cerchia delle mura e quindi l’estensione dell’abitato racchiuso fra le stesse.

The ability to capture and model the physical attributes of a building is becoming increasingly easy, accurate and cost-effective. What is often overlooked however is the “poetics” of digitally reconstructed space derived from its “intangible heritage”. A medieval church, for example, was a meeting place for both the spiritual and rational, the social and the technological, the political and the prestigious. The building embodied the priorities of theologians, architects, masons, politicians, engineers, artists, composers and of course believers. Their interiors, accordingly, were places of colour, sound, smell and of the myriad intangible residues of thought, contemplation, emotion and prayer. Modelling such spaces then cannot just be about capturing the volumetric qualities of the building while stripping away, or failing to embrace, complimentary data pertaining to the nuances of aesthetics and lived experience. Using the medieval church of St. Anne’s in Famagusta to illustrate this point, this article speculates on how much of this intangible heritage can be captured and reconstructed in a digital model (or within the space itself) and asks what diverse scholarship needs to be drawn upon so that such models may evolve towards a semblance of the “mood” within an academically valid experience.

This note reviews briefly the history of naming tropical storms. It then discusses the very recent and sometimes controversial phenomenon of naming winter storms. Finally, a list of the most recent designations for winter storms is provided.

In the Roman world, marine, lagoonal, and riverine fisheries were regularly exploited.
Unlike modern times, the concept of territorial waters did not exist in antiquity, and the state did not impose any monopoly on the sea and its exploitation rights. However, internal bodies of water such as lagoons could be owned by the state or by individuals. This legal framework co-existed alongside informal rights, which impacted the access individuals could
have to the sea and its resources. The article discusses the issue of access to fisheries. It first examines the difference in Roman law between the sea and internal waters and why past scholars thought that in some cases the Roman state could control marine fishing rights. It then addresses the special case of lagoons and the disputes arising from the control of these fisheries before examining the organization and financing of fishing activity.

Commencing with the interpretation of a Papinian quaestio (now in D. 28.2.23 pr.) relating to a strange case of disinheritance, and then considering its reception in Ulpian D. 37.4.8.7 (in terms of the prevalence of natural law), this contribution focuses on a somewhat hidden quote by Ulpius Marcellus, located in a text originally by Papinian (D. 37.4.8.8). The reference appears concealed, because the relevant narrative is by Ulpian, quoting Papinian. The recovery of this reference helps us to understand the relationship between Papinian and Marcellus, poorly attested in the sources (there is only one other direct citation of Marcellus by Papinian, in D. 10.2.22.5). The paper also tries to explain the lacuna in the discussion of book twelve of Papinian's Quaestiones according to the proposal in Otto Lenel's Palingenesia iuris civilis.

Polybius and the art of war: proposal for the identification of some passages
from his lost Treatise on tactics – Polybius retains in his Histories traces of an expert in military historiography, a genre that he had previously cultivated, probably in early youth years. From testimonies such as Aelianus Tacticus (I 2) including Polybius among the writers of military genre, the author’s own testimony regarding a lost treatise on Commentaries on military tactics (Ὑπομνήματα περὶ τὰς τάξεις, IX 20, 4) can be agreed, even though only the title has been preserved. Nevertheless, the place in which this bibliographical citation is found and the prevailing scientific style, in addition to application
of intertextuality criteria, encourages us to propose, furthermore, the chapters from 12 to 20 in book IX as indirect evidences of this lost handbook. Likewise, chapters of book X dealing with the issue of signals on fire (X 43-45), would support the hypothesis that a meaningful part of the treatise is preserved in both consecutive books.

Jesus Christ came into the world at the perfect moment in human history, or, as Paul would say, He came “in the fullness of time” (Gal 4:4). Bible students can see God’s providential hand moving behind the scenes of human history to direct world events to prepare for the coming of His Son. Throughout the centuries, God’s divine oversight of the world’s affairs had prepared men and nations for the Messiah and the proclamation of the gospel. This book explains why the first century AD was the perfect time for Christ to come into the world.

This essay suggests a revisionist approach to the history of the art of the Ptolemaic Period by challenging art historians to revise their chosen scientific method, the short-comings of which are emphasized by a critique of Gaston Maspero’s initial assessment of the statue of Hor as an exemplar of an alleged mixed school. That challenge is supported by more recent discussions of the nature of the culture of Ptolemaic Egypt based on historical and papyrological considerations. The essay then passes in review a number of case studies in support of its position and concludes by advocating the adoption of Karl Richard Lepsius’s designations for the periods after Dynasty XXX.

Das römische Köln war eine Militärgründung. Mindestens 25 Jahre waren auf dem heutigen Stadtgebiet zwei römische Legionen stationiert. Das Zweilegionenlager von Köln wird umfassend beschrieben. Außerdem wird dargelegt, dass sich die Ubier mit Zustimmung Caesars seit 50 v. Chr. in der Kölner Bucht ansiedelten. Eine einmalige Umsiedlungsaktion
durch Agrippa hat es historisch nicht gegeben – Roman Cologne was a military foundation. Two Roman legions were stationed in what is now the city for at least 25 years. The two-legion camp in Cologne is described in detail. It is also explained that the Ubians settled in the Bay of Cologne from 50 BC with Caesar's approval. A unique resettlement operation by Agrippa did not exist historically.

Roman law did not know a true and constant practice of drawing lots of judges. In civil litigations, sortitio was residual and only justified for specific matters, such as the actio finium regundorum. Other forms of sortitio, such as those applied in Sicily and known from the Verrines (the sortitiones dicarum) seem to reflect local practices. On the other hand, the sortitio was used consistently in Rome in the reciperationes, which originated from the sphere of international relations and originally also had mixed composition panels, thus with iudices peregrini. The model of the reciperationes formed the basis for the legislation on repetundae and, through it, the basis for the definition of the settlement mechanisms of the quaestiones. As far as civil matters were concerned, the great arrangement made under Augustus with the lex Iulia iudiciorum privatorum entailed changes in procedure. The discipline outlined by the lex Iulia was thus transposed into extra ordinem judicial procedures. It also exerted a significant influence in the provinces, both through its transposition in the edicts of the provincial governors and in the definition of the discipline of the recuperatoria iudicia of the communities endowed with ius Latii. It is possible, however, to trace echoes of recuperatoria iudicia even beyond the borders of the empire, as for instance in the Tauric Chersonese, where perhaps these procedural paradigms were imported through provincial experiences.

How did the breakdown of Roman rule in the Iberian Peninsula eventually result in the formation of a Visigothic kingdom with authority centralised in Toledo? This collection of essays challenges the view that local powers were straightforwardly subjugated to the expanding central power of the monarchy. Rather than interpret countervailing events as mere ‘delays’ in this inevitable process, the contributors to this book interrogate where these events came from, which causes can be uncovered and how much influence individual actors had in this process. What emerges is a story of contested interests seeking cooperation through institutions and social practices that were flexible enough to stabilise a system that was hierarchical yet mutually beneficial for multiple social groups. By examining the Visigothic settlement, the interplay between central and local power, the use of ethnic identity, projections of authority, and the role of the Church, this book articulates a model for unders...

È uscito il numero 63 di «Zapruder», che mette sotto osservazione il periodo classico per indagare come la storia antica – il suo utilizzo, recupero, sedimento – sia parte di un gioco di specchi continuo con la contemporaneità e i conflitti che la attraversano.