Neo-Fascism

To contribute to studies of contemporary anti-fascism, the goal of this chapter is to provide an overview of the governmental, corporate and activist institutions and tactics that aim to resist the far-right mobilization and recruitment processes. Focusing on the United States, this chapter highlights efforts by actors within the political sphere (e.g. the American State’s repressive and judicial apparatuses), the economic sphere (e.g. the corporate news, entertainment and high-tech industries) and civic sphere (e.g. Left anti-fascist activism) to resist the far right. While efforts by State and corporate actors to take on and take down white supremacist individuals and hate groups are positive and needed, it is important to consider the political possibilities and limits of these challenges to the far right.Racial capitalism and a largely white ruling class persists in the United States, and so the institutional sources and practices of far-right resistance must be critically examined with regard to that social context (Burden-Stelly 2020; Issar 2020; Rahman 2020; Roediger 2017, 2019; Taylor 2016; Virdee 2019). To this end, the first section contextualizes American racial capitalism, the role of the State and political parties in propping up this system and the enduring power of a mostly white and male American ruling class. Following this, the second and third sections identify some U.S. State and corporate sources of opposition to the white supremacist far right, and assess the politics of these within a country whose ‘mainstream’ political and economic institutions have long been enmeshed with the system of racial capitalism and white supremacy. For a potentially emancipatory source of resistance to the far right and to the system of racial capitalism that emboldens it, the third section looks to broad-based left anti-fascist activism.

In questi ultimi anni, varie formazioni di estrema destra – fasciste, populiste o nazionaliste – sembrano aver assunto una maggiore visibilità e capacità di penetrazione politica tra le popolazioni europee. Prodotto dei forti cambia- menti che stiamo attraversando, sintomo di una progressiva frantumazione sociale, tali formazioni si battono sia contro una Unione europea che ha espropriato gli Stati nazionali della loro sovranità, sia in difesa di una pre- sunta identità culturale dell’Occidente, oggi “minacciata” dai crescerti flussi migratori.
Nel nostro paese, una delle espressioni più evidenti e paradigmatiche di una generale deriva sovranista, nazionalista e identitaria, cui assistiamo in questi anni di crisi economica e sociale, è sicuramente rappresentata da Ca- saPound. Studiarne pertanto la struttura, la cultura e l’azione, come si pro- pongono queste pagine – che raccolgono anche le ragioni di appartenenza espresse dai suoi militanti –, costituisce un contributo importante alla com- prensiene di una cultura politica che va ben al di là di coloro che la riven- dicano apertamente definendosi “fascisti del terzo millenio”. Dall’osserva- zione e dall’analisi antropologica di un caso concreto, cogliendone le pecu- liarità, analizzandone la matrice culturale, il programma politico, le forme della militanza e le tensioni che lo attraversano, emergono in realtà molti degli elementi che in vario modo e in forme diverse connotano i sentimenti e i comportamenti di una parte sempre più consistente delle nostre società, prese nel gorgo di una trasformazione di cui è difficile cogliere il profilo e prevedere gli esiti.

Enclosed is the syllabus and course notes from the upper division course I teach in PostModernism and Post-Marxist Critical Theory. It occurs to me that some of these essays--ranging from Horkheimer and Adorno, Baudrillard, Foucault, and the feminist post-modern theorist Donna Haraway may offer some insight and some tools for comprehending the dark times in which we live. While these essays may not be directly aimed at understanding the rise of phenomena like the Alt-Right, toxic masculinity, and particularly violent forms of patriarchy, I think they can show us something about the ideological trends that set us on out current morally troubling path.

Questo lavoro si prefigge lo scopo di descrivere le reti di spionaggio e di sabotaggio, le missioni e gli agenti dei servizi segreti tedeschi e della RSI inviati nell’Italia centro-meridionale, tra il 1943 e il 1945, con l’obiettivo di contrastare l’avanzata Alleata nella Penisola. I due servizi segreti tedeschi, l’Abwehr e il Sicherheitsdienst, riorganizzati dopo l’Armistizio, reclutarono agenti italiani (provenienti dalla Milizia o dalle neonate Brigate Nere ma anche dalla Decima Mas di Borghese) per operazioni di spionaggio e sabotaggio oltre le linee Alleate. Anche gli stessi fascisti, tramite il neonato SID ed altri gruppi come quello del Principe Pignatelli o l’Ufficio Pucci-Del Massa, tentarono di pianificare reti spionistiche ma anche di porre le basi per la sopravvivenza del fascismo all’indomani della fine della guerra.

In the wake of the 2014 Ukrainian revolution and Russia’s subsequent war on Ukraine, Russian political thinker Aleksandr Dugin has become an object of many western analyses of Russia’s foreign policy. Various media have called Dugin “the mad mystic who inspired Russia’s leader” or “Putin’s brain”. Indeed, the man behind Russia’s Neo-Eurasianism has received significant attention and his ideas have evidently entered mainstream political thought.

"The Life and Afterlife of a Ukrainian Nationalist" is the first comprehensive and scholarly biography of the Ukrainian far-right leader Stepan Bandera and the first in-depth study of his political cult. In this fascinating book, Grzegorz Rossolinski-Liebe illuminates the life of a mythologized personality and scrutinizes the history of the most violent twentieth-century Ukrainian nationalist movement: the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and its Ukrainian Insurgent Army. Elucidating the circumstances in which Bandera and his movement emerged and functioned, Rossolinski-Liebe explains how fascism and racism impacted on Ukrainian revolutionary and genocidal nationalism. The book shows why Bandera and his followers failed—despite their ideological similarity to the Croatian Ustaša and the Slovak Hlinka Party—to establish a collaborationist state under the auspices of Nazi Germany and examines the involvement of the Ukrainian nationalists in the Holocaust and other atrocities during and after the Second World War. The author brings to light some of the darkest elements of modern Ukrainian history and demonstrates its complexity, paying special attention to the Soviet terror in Ukraine and the entanglement between Ukrainian, Jewish, Polish, Russian, German, and Soviet history. The monograph also charts the creation and growth of the Bandera cult before the Second World War, its vivid revivals during the Cold War among the Ukrainian diaspora, and in Bandera's native eastern Galicia after the dissolution of the Soviet Union.

OPEN LETTER TO PM MODI
SIR, YOU RESPECT DIVERSITY BUT RSS MOURNS IT, WHOM DO WE BELIEVE?
My Dear Prime Minister Modi ji,
Namaskar.
It is heartening to note that you as PM of our democratic-secular state have underlined the great diversities in the Indian nation which needed to be celebrated. While addressing a conference on 'Islamic Heritage: Promoting Understanding and Moderation' in the presence of the King of Jordan, Abdullah II in Delhi on March 1, 2018 you were kind enough to declare that India's democracy was "a celebration of our age-old plurality" recalling that "religions and beliefs from all over the world" flourished in the country. It was great to hear you to commit that "We Indians are proud of our diversity." While specially addressing the Muslim youth of India you were kind enough to advise them to hold Quran in one hand and computer in the other for an all-inclusive progress and welfare. However, I would beg to say that this call for Quran or any other scripture in one hand is a risky proposition. The US taught Afghan youth Quran in one hand and AK47 in other hand and what price Afghan Muslims paid for it is well known.
Read the whole letter....

http://www.stopwar.org.uk/news-comment/888-the-five-pillars-of-islamophobia-and-the-roots-of-anti-muslim-racism

On a Thursday night, terrorists blew themselves up in the streets of Beirut. The next day, co-ordinated terrorist attacks in des rues of Paris. The same perpetrators targeted Muslims and Christians in the two different capitals.

Just a month ago, it was a moving scene watching European women and men holding signs welcoming refugees arriving at train stations. Thus, the horrific attacks would become even more appalling if there was any truth to the news these terrorists might have hid among refugees to reach France. Especially since refugees found better reception in Europe than anywhere else, including many of the Arab and Muslim countries. And for these terrorists to exploit that hospitality is neither Arab nor a Muslim value.

There could be no rationalisation to the terrorist attacks in Paris or the atrocious murders in Beirut, Baghdad, Damascus or Nigeria. Putting aside our virtuous indignation, however, we mustn’t forget the so-called Islamic State (IS) was the illegitimate child of George Bush’s “birth bangs of democracy.” The misguided US-led Western interventionist policies created the environment that gave birth to the refugees and terrorists.

NOTE: Fareed Khan makes no claim to the authorship of this commentary/article.

Faşizm kavramı bir yüzyılı aşkın süredir siyaset içerikli pek çok tartışmanın merkezinde bulunur. 21. yüzyıldaki tartışmalara bakıldığında ise, iki bağlamın öne çıktığı hemen fark edilebilir. Bunlardan ilki, 20. yüzyılın son çeyreğine kadar varlığını sürdürebilmiş tarihsel-klasik faşizm örnekleri ve zaman zaman “neofaşizm” olarak nitelenen bugünkü kimi faşist yapıların söz konusu örneklerden devraldıkları mirastır. Diğeri ise, -faşist, otoriter ya da demokratik- emperyalist ülkelerin sömürgelerine dayattığı sömürge tipi faşizm ve bu formun yeni sömürgecilik ilişkilerinde değişen-dönüşen karşılığıdır. Her iki bağlam da fiilen anayasanın ve parlamentonun askıya alındığı ve olağanüstü halin kalıcılaştığı ülkeler, sokaklarda etki alanını genişleten, devlet içinde kümelenebilen ve yer bulabilen faşist örgütlenmeler, merkez partiler arası iktidar salınımına çomak sokan faşist figürler gibi bugün karşılaşılan nice örnekle, zengin bir tartışma alanı ortaya koymaktadır. Bu kitapta amaçlanan da söz konusu tartışmalara farklı noktalardan müdahil olmak ve “Faşizm nedir?” sorusuna verilen yanıtın derinlik kazanmasına katkıda bulunmaktır.

This article studies post-war Italy’s forgetful attitude towards its Fascist past by interpreting a political measure, the Togliatti amnesty (1946), and 1950s film censorship as ‘institutionalised forms of (…) amnesia’ (Ricoeur 2004, 452). The amnesty, which erased the Fascists’ legal responsibility for war and political crimes, represented the first act of oblivion of the Republican political establishment, embodying a forgetful mindset that influenced Italian culture through institutional instruments like film censorship. In 1950s Italy, censorship acted as a further form of institutionalised amnesia aimed at erasing from films the traces of the compromising continuity between the Fascist past and the democratic present. The story of the making and unmaking of the Italian episode of I vinti by Michelangelo Antonioni is a meaningful example of this dynamic. Producers and government commissioners censored the plot and changed it from a story about a neo-fascist militant to one about a young bourgeois who smuggles cigarettes. However, Antonioni resisted the institutional imposition to forget by choosing locations where the material dimension of the landscape still embodied the Fascist legacy of the country.

Este livro traça a história do fascismo no Brasil desde sua origem, com Plínio Salgado, Gustavo Barroso e Miguel Reale, até às ações mais recentes, como o ataque à produtora Porta dos Fundos, ocorrido no Natal de 2019. Os autores elucidam como foi a trajetória do integralismo, cujo principal líder foi Plínio Salgado, e descrevem o início deste movimento sob influência do fascismo original, após encontro do então futuro líder dos camisas-verdes, como era conhecido o movimento integralista no Brasil, com Benito Mussolini, líder dos fascistas italianos, conhecidos como os camisas-negras. A história também atravessa todo o período do neointergalismo, com especial atenção aos movimentos que iniciaram em 2004 e chega ao evento do Natal de 2019, considerado pelos autores como a mola propulsora para a elaboração deste livro, uma vez que nas buscas policiais aos responsáveis pelo ataque à sede da produtora, a polícia apreendeu simulacros de armas, facas e mais de 100 mil reais, além de livros relacionados com o universo da extrema direita: de Plínio Salgado a Olavo de Carvalho, cujo nome circula com frequência nas redes sociais e conversas do cotidiano. Trata-se de uma obra voltada a um público amplo, com uma escrita fluida e que certamente ajudará a compreender o atual momento em que o Brasil se encontra.

publiziert in:

Global Research, 13.05.2020

https://www.globalresearch.ca/author/aidan-obrien

>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Liebe Mitbürger,

damit das mal klar ist: das Merkel-Regime ist eine kriminelle Organisation, um die BRD als (noch) funktionierenden Staat zu zerstören und in eine kapitalistengesteuerte 'Gesundheits'-Diktatur zu überführen. Ihr werdet dann zu Schäfchen werden, oder anders ausgedrückt, zu Sklaven!
Ihr könnt gerne weiterschlafen, aber beschwert Euch dann später nicht, niemand hätte Euch gewarnt!

Alex
<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<

On March 30 Germany declared the important Lebanese political group, Hezbollah, to be a “terrorist” organization and banned it from German soil. By doing so it gratuitously increased the tension in the eastern Mediterranean and exposed Berlin’s lack of credibility on the world stage.
Is it really in Germany’s interest to destabilize a region that has already been crippled by multiple wars? On the surface Germany doesn’t appear to have a stake in the politics of Lebanon. Indeed, from whatever angle the situation is viewed from, Germany qua Germany doesn’t have a meaningful stake in Lebanon. Yet Berlin is assaulting the sovereignty of this small Mediterranean nation that means no harm.

It is one of the great ironies of the history of fascism that, despite their fascination
with ultra-nationalism, its adherents understood themselves as members of a
transnational political movement. While a true “Fascist International” has never been
established, European fascists shared common goals and sentiments as well as
similar worldviews. They also drew on each other for support and motivation, even
though relations among them were not free from misunderstandings and confl icts.
Through a series of fascinating case studies, this expansive collection examines
fascism’s transnational dimension, from the movements inspired by the early example of Fascist Italy to the international antifascist organizations that emerged in
subsequent years.

"The study of developments in right-wing and far right politics has been a neglected endeavour for social movement analysts. Yet, right-wing opponents to neoliberal globalisation have become increasingly vocal. While this is true in some countries more so than in others, lessons can be learned for understanding international anti-globalisation struggles, whether emancipatory or not. In this paper I study the increasingly well articulated critique of globalisation voiced by neo-Nazi movements. Such movements target the financial and speculative aspects of Neoliberalism as well as the ‘Americanisation’ of global politics. A driving force remains the virulent anti-Semitism, sometimes dressed up as anti-Zionism. On the other hand, neo-Nazis stress the importance of nation, home, belonging and honest work as the negations of the abstractness of capital. ‘Right-wing anti-capitalism’ is most clearly developed in Germany and was evident during the neo-Nazi campaign against the 2007 G8 summit in Heiligendamm. This paper, then, draws on the more theoretical campaign material published neo-Nazi groups and organisations, as well as on research by anti-fascist groups in Germany. This is not to say, however, that the ideology could not influence far right movements in other countries.

"

Cтоит ли классифицировать природу «системы Путина», ввиду ее недавней радикализации, как современное проявление фашизма, как это недавно сделали некоторые — в том числе и русские — обозреватели? У этих явно антипутинских комментаторов — напр., А. Мотыль, В. Иноземцев, М. Снеговая и др. — прослеживается своего рода утилитарное отношение и избирательный подход к набору свойств исторического фашизма для как можно более эффектного разоблачения бесспорно террористического, агрессивного и репрессивного характера сегодняшнего российского режима. Типичной ценой применения термина «фашистский» к путинскому режиму в результате этого «сбора вишни» является, однако, чрезмерно широкая дефиниция общего понятия «фашизм». Такого рода инклюзивные определения сути фашизма, как правило, приводят к имплицитному утверждению о существовании десятков независимых «фашистских» режимов в истории человечества — а не только в Германии Гитлера, Италии Муссолини, России Путина. Еще одним последствием такой преднамеренной инфляции этого ключевого исторического понятия является открытие вопроса о том, как же тогда обозначить комбинацию тех характеристик итальянской ПНФ, немецкой НСДАП, румынской «Железной гвардии», венгерской Партии скрещенных стрел, испанской Фаланги и др., которую в сравнительном обществоведении иногда называют «фашистским минимумом» или «ядром».

What does the backlash against Critical Race Theory, the Capitol insurrection, Trumpism, Twitter, and neo-Nazis have in common? From Twitter to Capitol Hill:  Far-right Authoritarian Populist Discourses, Social Media, and Critical Pedagogy delves deep into conservative social media and far-right extremist platforms to understand the revival and proliferation of far-right authoritarian populist discourses after Trump’s ascent to power. After the January 6th Capitol insurrection and the role social media have played in normalizing and promoting far-right populist authoritarianism, there is a renewed interest to study digital discursive aggression. Inspired by Critical Theory, Panayota Gounari masterfully uses Critical Discourse Studies to analyze social media data and articulate a discursive, pedagogical and historical project.

This paper focuses on the urban graffiti painted with a political message by different
movements of the Italian political radicalism in the cities of Rome, Florence, Massa,
Carrara, Verona and Udine. For the purpose of this article, during the period from June
2011 to June 2012, a total of 165 graffiti have been photographed, of which 83 painted by
neo-fascist groups, 72 by extreme left groups and 10 by anarchist groups. These three
macro communities, made of different subgroups, emerged as the most active in expressing
their antagonism towards the parliamentary parties with their graffiti that combine semantic
(words) and semiotic (images) elements. An analysis of the collected graffiti’s language
form, meaning and context allows for the identification of the variety of styles of
communication adopted by the different political antagonisms and the different contents of
their communication through graffiti as well as the key elements of their political identities.
Key words: political radicalism, graffiti, linguistics

original in English entitled
“RSS as a Terror Outfit”
by SHAMSUL ISLAM

Translated to Kannada
by Suresh Bhat Bakrabail
RSS
Ondu Bhayotpaadaka Tandavaagi
A dossier on the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh,



This e-book is copyright free. This dossier on the RSS has been compiled for the purpose of
spreading awareness about the RSS, a Hindutva organization which presents the most lethal danger
to the principles of democracy, justice, secularism, egalitarianism and liberalism
not only in India but the world over. This document is based on its own records and authenticated sources.
It may be used in any form including translation in other languages
without seeking financial benefit or tampering with the facts and authorship.
The author would be grateful if its use is shared by friends/organizations.
1st E-book edition, October, 2020
Note: Those who wish to publish this in the book form must seek permission from the author and translator.
E-mail address of Shamsul Islam: notoinjustice@gmail.com
E-mail address of mR. Suresh Bhat Bakrabail: suresh46bhat@gmail.com
LINK FOR ENGLISH VERSION:
https://www.academia.edu/44213326/RASHTRIYA_SWAYAMSEVAK_SANGH_AS_A_TERROR_OUTFIT_EVIDENCE_FROM_ITS_ARCHIVES_E_book_updated_on_October_14_2020_

ENG: This article aims to reconstruct the history of the Piazza Fontana massacre, from the events of December 12, 1969, until the last lawsuit on the facts (Milan, 2005). This historical reconstruction, will use different types of sources: the counter-investigations of journalists and groups of the extra-parliamentary, the investigations of the police, magistrates and finally the judicial documents issued, in the light of the information and assessments made. ITA: Questo Articolo ha come scopo quello di ricostruire la storia della Strage di Piazza Fontana, dagli eventi del 12 dicembre 1969, sino all’ultimo processo sui fatti, tenutosi a Milano nel 2005. Tale ricostruzione storica, utilizzerà differenti tipologie di fonti: da una parte, le controinchieste di giornalisti e di gruppi della sinistra extraparlamentare, dall’altra le indagini delle forze dell’ordine, dei magistrati e infine gli atti giudiziari emessi, alla luce delle informazioni e dagli accertamenti svolti.

RSS specializes in double-speak and triple speak. In fact, the situation is so critical that it may be an understatement regarding RSS behavior. No other organization which claims to be committed to moral regeneration of India can compete with RSS in manufacturing lies.  The current public manifestations of RSS for active participation in Indian politics, specially, forcing BJP to adopt Narendra Modi as prime ministerial candidate for 2014 elections is continuation of the same conspiratorial mind-set.  In the aftermath of brutal killing of Father of the Nation, Gandhiji by committed and trained cadres of Hindutva camp, RSS was forced by Jawaharlal Nehru & Sardar Patel to write a constitution declaring that RSS would be “devoted purely to cultural work” and would not indulge in “political” activities. But the fact is not that cat is out of the bag now recently. Despite its assurances that it would not participate in politics to the Nation (on the basis of which ban imposed on it for being responsible for killing of Gandhiji was lifted), it is not first time that it has violated this cardinal pledge.
This write-up is based on the original RSS documents.

Comparative analysis of two complex social processes such as the wars in Croatia and Ukraine requires a certain degree of simplification, which should be taken into account in this study. Before analysing wartime events, the paper will attempt to point to certain similarities in the social development of the two nations.

ON THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN INDIAN AND HINDU NATIONALISM
Indian nationalism and Hindu nationalism are two different things. While the former is unconcerned with a person‟s religious or cultural identity, the latter imagines the nation as an exclusive community of Hindus. From the time of Independence till now, this distinction has never been in doubt.
But today there is a move by flag-bearers of Hindu nationalism to equate it with Indian nationalism. What exactly is the provenance of these two nationalist ideologies? Who were their earliest proponents? What role did either play in India‟s freedom struggle? These are some of the questions that author and dramatist Shamsul Islam dwells on in Hindu Nationalism and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh , a fine primer on the history and dynamics of Hindu nationalism.
Islam cites extensively from the works of historians and thinkers who themselves are part of the Hindu nationalist canon, such as R.C. Majumdar and V.D. Savarkar, to interrogate many of its claims. For instance, he shows how Majumdar contradicts the Hindu nationalist claim of India being a „primordial nation‟, given the historian‟s observation that the idea of India “had no application to actual politics till the sixties or the seventies of the nineteenth century.”
Indian nationalism was born in opposition to British colonial oppression. Its most significant moment of resistance was the 1857 mutiny, in which Hindus and Muslims battled together against foreign rule. Islam cites Thomas Lowe, a British army commander, who observed that “the cow-killer and the cow-worshipper, the pig-hater and the pig-eater” fought together.
But this nascent Indian nationalism that was composite in nature underwent a process of bifurcation in the “third quarter of the nineteenth century”, notes Islam. Two things played a role in this: a „divide and rule‟ policy adopted by the British, and the bickering between the elites of the two communities “for securing a favourable place in the eyes of the victor”. Together they created a “scenario in which only competitive Hindu and Muslim varieties of nationalism could flourish.”
Islam‟s book also raises interesting questions: If Indian civilisation is more than 3,500 years old, why is it that only a period of 500 years (the period of so-called Muslim rule) is closely scrutinised by Hindu nationalists? What about the period before?
It might be interesting to read Islam‟s book alongside his primary sources: V.D. Savarkar‟s The Indian War of Independence of 1857 and R.C. Majumdar‟s Three Phases of India’s Struggle for Freedom.
Link for procuring Shamsul Islam’s books in English, Hindi & Urdu:
https://tinyurl.com/shams-books

Preparation for a genocide under way in India: Dr. Gregory Stanton
Internationally acclaimed expert raises concerns about possible mass extermination of Muslims while briefing US Congress on situation in Kashmir and Assam.
Sabrangindia 14 Dec 2019
Dr. Gregory Stanton, founder of Genocide Watch, addressed an audience of Congressional and Government officials at a briefing titled Ground Reports on Kashmir and NRC in Washington D.C on December 12 where he said, “Preparation for a genocide is definitely under way in India.” He said that persecution of Muslims in Assam and Kashmir “is the stage just before genocide,” adding, “The next stage is extermination — that’s what we call a genocide.”
Dr. Stanton created the world-famous “Ten Stages of Genocide” as a presentation to the U.S. Department of State when he worked there in 1996. According to Dr. Stanton, the ten stages of genocide are as follows:
• The first stage was “classification” of “us versus them”.
• The second stage, “symbolization”, named the victims as “foreigner”.
• The third stage, “discrimination”, “classified [the victims] out of the group accepted for citizenship” so that they had no “human rights or civil rights of citizens” and were “discriminated against legally”.
• The fourth stage, dehumanization, “is when the genocidal spiral begins to go downwards. You classify the others as somehow worse than you. You give them names like ‘terrorists’, or even names of animals, start referring to them as a cancer in the body politic, you talk about them as a disease that must be somehow dealt with.”
• The fifth stage was creating an “organization” to commit the genocide: the role played by the “Indian army in Kashmir and the census takers in Assam”.
• The sixth stage was “polarization”, which is achieved by propaganda.
• The seventh stage was “preparation”
• The eighth “persecution”, where Assam and Kashmir currently were.
• The ninth stage is “extermination” and;
• The tenth stage is “denial”.
[With thanks to Sabrang]

Every nation has its enfants terribles. Notorious enfants terribles are not personalities worthy of depositing their remains in national sanctuaries, nor celebrities worthy of burial mounds, statues, busts or memorial plaques. They have a reputation of the most insidious political “Fantômases” who are anchored in the collective memory as synonyms of criminals, betrayers, villains, or, in a better case, as calculating profit-makers willing to do anything for their own sake. These historical figures do not divide society as Philippe Pétain, Miklós Horthy or Jozef Tiso does. Except for the hard neo-fascist core no one dares to express an admiration for them. They left no positive political legacy, only a warning memento. Their public support, in a long run, had not exceeded a single-digit percentage level. However, even suffered electoral setbacks did not stop them from claiming to speak “on behalf of the nation” and putting themselves into the position of clairvoyant political messiahs who can exclusively secure a bright future for their country. The story of Alexander Mach, a wartime Slovak minister of interior, deputy prime minister, head of the Propaganda Office and head commander of the Hlinka Guard, is certainly one of them.
The biography tells the story of Alexander Mach with emphasis on his political career. The first chapter examines Mach´s childhood and influences which formed his worldview. Second chapter portrays Mach´s political rise from the beginning of the 1920s, his early contacts with fascism and the career of an opposition nationalist journalist and speaker in services of the Hlinka´s Slovak People´s Party. Third chapter analyzes Mach´s career peak framed by 1939 – 1945 period. During the World War II Mach was a politician who systematically enforced a radical solution of the Jewish question. It was Mach who, following the infamous Salzburg negotiations with Hitler in July 1940, together with prime minister Vojtech Tuka initiated a series of cruel anti-Jewish laws leading from the restrictions of economic and civil rights to adoption of the racial principle and, finally, to loss of basic human rights and deportations of Jews from Slovakia. Besides that, chapter pays attention mainly to Mach´s position on political scene of the Axis Slovak State, to his share on adopting of the National Socialism in Slovakia and to transformation of his political attitudes after 1943. Fourth chapter focuses on Mach´s postwar destiny as a prisoner of the American army in camps in occupied Germany, on his 1946/1947 trial in front of the National Court in Bratislava as well as on over two decades of his imprisonment. The last fifth chapter briefly sketches Mach´s comeback to ordinary life after May 1968 when he was granted an amnesty by President. 
The biography is based on sources from archives and libraries in Slovakia, Czech Republic, Germany, Italy, Austria and Hungary and completes almost a decade of research (interrupted by several hiatuses) which Anton Hruboň dedicated to researching the life story of Alexander Mach.

Full version available at: https://www.martinus.sk/?uItem=440785

Defining Fascism is a complex task, but it has been frustrating watching erroneous definitions of the term fly about.  The problem is that Fascism is a predominantly symbolic ideology, and it seems to be easy to apply to one's detractors as a way of shutting down political debate. ...

... My hope with this brief look at definitions of Fascism is that after reading this, you may not be so inclined to put up with the labelling of everything negative as "Fascist", or representative of "Fascism".  I do realise that the era I am living through is one of redefining terms and misappropriating them for dramatic effect, but this kind of myopic "newspeak" can only lead to confusion if defining things as they are not becomes commonplace.  After all a tomato is not a carrot and so on and so forth...

http://www.whenthenewsstops.org/2017/01/definitions-of-fascism.html

गोलवलकर की 'हम या हमारी राष्ट्रीयता की परिभाषा' : एक आलोचनात्मक समीक्षा (लेखक शम्सुल इस्लाम)
गोलवलकर की अंग्रेज़ी पुस्तक वे और आवर नाशनहुड डिफाइंड का सम्पूर्ण हिंदी अनुवाद सहित

"गोलवलकर पर सावरकर के विचारों की गहरी छाप थी, दोनों जातिवाद  के समर्थक थे और हिटलर दुवारा लाखों-लाख यहूदिओं के जनसंहार  को जायज़ ठहराते थे। वे यहूदीवादी राज्य इज़राइल के इस लिए समर्थक थे की इस ने अपने पड़ोसी मुस्लमान देशों  से लगातार युद्ध  छेड़  रखे  थे।  इस प्रकार इस्लाम  से घिर्णा  हिंदुत्व का एक अभिन्न अंग बन  कर  उभरा। गोलवलकर की  पुस्तक 'वी और ऑवर नेशनहुड डिफाइंडकी मुझे जानकारी नहीं थी। अब  इसे  सम्पूर्ण रूप से शम्सुल इस्लाम की पुस्तक में आलोचना के साथ छापा गया है।  मैं ने जो  कुछ कहा  है इस से उसकी पुष्टि होती है।" 
ख़ुशवंत सिंह 

यह पुस्तक आरएसएस के प्रकाशनों और दस्तावेज़ों की रौशनी में गोलवलकर के जीवन और विचारों के बारे में वास्तविक सच्चाइयों को सामने लाने का एक प्रयास है। यह वे दस्तावेज़ हैं जिन्हें लेखक ने पिछले चार दशक में एकत्रित किया है।

This is the Hindi version of WE OR OUR NATIONHOOD DEFINED: A CRITIQUE BY SHAMSUL ISLAM WITH THE FULL TEXT OF THE BOOK (5th edition)

A summary of the ABN and WACL.  These two Cold War networks brought together fascist and terrorist organizations to unify anticommunist movements. Both included virulently Russophobic, proNATO, Nazi collaborators from Eastern Europe that made a priority of trying to destroy the USSR. The East European organizations in these networks were dominated by groups of Ukrainian devotees of Stepan Bandera who had found safe haven in NATO countries after WWII.

"""With Swayamsevaks (volunteers) like Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Lal Krishan Advani in the drivers’ seats in the National Democratic Alliance Government at the Centre in India (1998-2004), the RSS accelerated its old favourite pastime of undoing democratic-secular polity and minority bashing in India. Sarsanghchalak or Supreme Leader of the RSS, KS Sudershan while addressing a rally on the eve of 75th founding day of the RSS in Nagpur, called upon Muslims and Christians of the country to prove their patriotism. It is really atrocious that an organization, which was at least twice banned for anti-national activities by the Government of India after independence should pose as controlling authority of patriotism in the country. Should we once again refresh the memory of the RSS bosses that their rabid communal organization was banned in 1948 for collaborating in the murder of Mahatma Gandhi, and in 1992 it was again banned for demolishing Babri mosque at Ayodhya? Do we also need to tell the RSS that misadventures like demolition of Babri mosque only served the strategic goals of the enemies of India like the ISI who wished to see an India, fractured and at war with itself?
This is high time that the people of this country scrutinize the record (of patriotism and loyalty to the nation) of the RSS itself. Unfortunately, the RSS which is fond of demanding unwavering and unflinching loyalty to the Nation from minorities is neither loyal to the Constitution of India, nor to the National Flag. RSS is an organization, which openly decries the existence of a democratic, federal and secular India which are the ‘Basic’ features of the Constitution of India. In fact, it has long heritage of worshiping dictators like Hitler. It is an organization which not only openly decried the Freedom Movement against the British rule but also made fun of the great martyrs like Bhagat Singh and his companions who laid down their lives for the liberation of the Motherland. In order to know the truth we will simply have to make access to the literature and publications of the RSS specially the writings of Golwalkar (known as Guruji) who as a philosopher and guide is religiously followed by the bosses and cadres of the RSS. In this booklet we have presented fully the official viewpoints of the RSS on different aspects of Indian polity so that it cannot allege misrepresentation.
We must seriously know about the RSS today, as it is no more a fringe organization with the present BJP leaders declaring their open allegiance to the RSS. They have even told the Nation that RSS to them is what Gandhiji was to Nehru! It is a highly intriguing and dishonest parallel in the sense that Gandhiji was theoretically never disloyal to a democratic, secular and federal India. We are publishing this booklet with the hope that this Nation gets familiarized to the real face and intentions of the RSS; otherwise it may be too late to save this country.
All quotations reproduced below are from the RSS publications/literature and English translations are by the author."
Note: The material of this book is for the personal benefit of all  researchers and those who are concerned about Casteism, denigration of women and theocratic politics in India. In no case commercial use is permitted."
More Info:'KNOW THE RSS' is now available in Kannada, English, Hindi (13th revised edition), Urdu, Bengali, Malayalam, Gujarati, Punjabi, Marathi.
इस का नया संस्करण ''आरएसएस को पहचानें : आरएसएस के दस्तावेज़ों पर आधारित'' PHAROS MEDIA & PUBLISHING PVT LTD (PHONE: 91-9818120669 EMAIL: books@pharosmedia.com और website: www.pharosmedia.com) से उपलब्ध है ।
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Der Frage nach dem Verhältnis von Esoterik und Rechtsextremismus wird im Folgenden sowohl aus historischer als auch aus gegenwartsbezogener Perspektive nachgegangen. Es werden zwei diachron miteinander verbundene Schwerpunkte gesetzt: Dies ist erstens das Verhältnis von Nationalsozialismus und Strömungen wie Theosophie und Anthroposophie, vor allem aber Ariosophie. Ein zentrales Argument lautet dabei, dass sowohl Esoterik als auch Nationalsozialismus zu Unrecht häufig als das " Andere " der europäischen Kultur betrachtet werden: Ihre Berührungspunkte resultierten gerade aus As-pekten, die sich als kulturell " ordinär " erweisen. Zweitens wird die damit verflochtene Entstehung rechtsextremer und neonazistischer internationaler Netzwerke in der Nachkriegszeit beleuchtet. In diesem Zuge wird herausgestellt, dass weit verbreitete Vorstellungen von " Nazi-Okkultismus " einerseits ein Ergebnis popkultureller Motive sind, zweitens aber auch rechtsextremer Diskurse. Deren Einfluss lässt sich heutzutage nicht nur in subkulturellen oder gesellschaftlich marginalen Kontexten verzeichnen, sondern auch auf weltpolitischer Bühne. Es folgt daher abschließend ein Plädoyer für eine nuancierte historische Kontextualisierung dieses Themas, auf deren Grundlage ein religionswissenschaftlicher Beitrag zum Verständnis nicht nur historischer, sondern auch aktueller politischer Entwicklungen geleistet werden kann.

The relationship between esotericism and far-right extremism will be investigated from both a historical and a contemporary perspective. The focus will rest on two diachronically related contexts: 1. the relationship between National Socialism and currents such as Theosophy and Anthroposophy, but especially Ariosophy. It will be argued that both esotericism and National Socialism are often misleadingly regarded as the "other" of European culture: The links between them prove to be culturally "ordinary." 2. the emergence of international far-right and neo-Nazi networks in the post-war period will be discussed. It will be shown that widespread perceptions of “Nazi occultism” were, on one hand, the result of pop cultural notions, and of far-right discourses on the other. Today, their influence cannot only be noted in subcultural or socially marginal marginal contexts, but also in world politics. For
this reason, this contribution concludes with a plea for a nuanced historical contextualization of these issues, on the basis of which Religious Studies could offer a contribution to an understanding, not only of historical but also of current political developments.

"""From the back-cover:
This book will prove quite useful in the present times when the RSS is showing up its colours, more and more starkly, in a number of areas. The communal carnage in Gujarat has exposed the diabolical plans of RSS. The Babri mosque demolition and riots across the country; the attempts at Brahmanisation of education and communalization of the civil services were some other instances which unmasked RSS and other affiliates of the Sangh Gang. The author traces the plans, policies and propositions of the RSS to their origins, in the words/publications of the RSS itself, so that there is no room for alleging misrepresentation.
The shameful role of the RSS in the struggle for the independence of India, its close affinity with the Fascist concepts of Hitler and Mussolini, its resulting priorities of anti-minoritiism and redressal of historical wrongs, its seeking to adopt any means to achieve political power—all these are described in detail in the book.
The author has taken pains to conclusively prove that the RSS policies will inevitably lead to the denigration of the Dalits and the marginalization of women with excerpts from the ‘Manusmriti’ which is dear to the RSS establishment. The book concludes that the RSS is out to subvert the basic democratic-secular characteristics of our Constitution.
The author is known for his frank writings about the subversive games which communal forces play in the Indian sub-continent. This book will prove to be a handbook for knowing RSS.   
" Note: The material of this book is for the personal benefit of all  researchers and those who are concerned about Casteism, denigration of women and theocratic politics in India. In no case commercial use is permitted."