Nobility

This paper suggests a journey through the history of the Lithuanian heraldry from the 15th century until nowadays in searching fantastic creatures such as Centaur, Griffin, Two-headed Eagle, Unicorn etc. Some of these creatures were sporadical and some of them played a significant role in the aristocratic heraldry during the period of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania or appeared in the state and civic heraldry of Lithuania as the main charges or supporters. Fantastic/mythical elements are the one group of more than ten groups of the motives in creating coats of arms nowadays. The fusion of two animals or one animal and one plant etc. into one fantastic being is praiseworthy in the contemporary Lithuanian heraldry when it is decided to create civic coat of arms using fantastic elements. The idea of using fantastic creatures in the heraldry of Lithuania persists almost six centuries but the ways how these fruits of human imagination came to the various coats of arms are different. Historical, political and cultural context shaped the function and meaning of such heraldry over the years making interesting stories.

In controtendenza con gli attuali orientamenti della storiografia italiana sull’Età moderna, questo libro ripropone una ricerca di prima mano su aspetti e problemi di argomento economico e sociale. Esso si segnala inoltre per l’area di rifermento esaminata: la Calabria meridionale e, in particolare, la zona del Reggino, inserendosi in una tradizione di studi che ha al suo attivo i pregevoli contributi di Giuseppe Galasso sul Cinquecento e di Augusto Placanica, specificamente, per il Settecento. In questa ottica il volume ridà spazio ai protagonisti anonimi di quel contesto e approfondisce una serie di aspetti sulle condizioni dell’economia e della società calabresi. Il tutto, mediante una documentazione inedita che consente di far luce e di verificare le tendenze di breve, medio e lungo periodo di quella realtà incrociando e comparando le fonti disponibili sul piano locale con quelle prodotte dalle coeve istituzioni centrali dello Stato.
Lo schema al quale egli si affida è quello di un’analisi di carattere demografico e socio-economico finalizzato ad esaminare l’andamento strutturale di una periferia sullo sfondo di quanto accade nell’Età moderna. In questa comparazione vengono evidenziate assonanze e discordanze dai modelli acquisiti dalla storiografia, sottolineando le peculiarità di alcuni fenomeni non sempre omologabili alle cronologie e agli sviluppi di quei secoli. Ne scaturisce una ricostruzione che mette in risalto talune specificità della zona esaminata, inquadrandone le congiunture nel panorama più ampio che fa da sfondo ai problemi di volta in volta esaminati.
Basata su una molteplicità di fonti, prevalentemente seriali, la ricostruzione dell’Autore non trascura il supporto di testimonianze narrative che concorrono ad integrare e a supportare le risultanze dei dati quantitativi. Per menzionare i materiali archivistici più frequentemente consultati, la ricerca si snoda attraverso la consultazione e l’analisi delle numerazioni dei fuochi, degli stati delle anime, dei relevi feudali, degli apprezzi e dei documenti fiscali delle diverse comunità esaminate fino ai dati ricavati dal fondo relativo alle “voci di vettovaglie” e da altre carte d’archivio, come le relationes ad limina, o da testimonianze desunte dalle cronache e dalla storiografia locale o da ulteriori documenti rintracciati negli archivi dei singoli centri esaminati.
Sulla scorta di questa ricca documentazione vengono ricostruiti aspetti estremamente interessanti della Calabria reggina e vengono evidenziate tendenze non sempre collimanti con quelle generali. A determinare lo scostamento dall’andamento tradizionalmente accreditato concorrono diversi fattori e, tra questi, svolgono un ruolo non trascurabile l’incidenza delle caratteristiche geomorfologiche del territorio e il comportamento dei protagonisti che devono condividerne gli inevitabili condizionamenti. In tutto questo emerge un rapporto simbiotico tra gli uomini e l’ambiente che permette di valutare il ruolo svolto dalla storia nel breve come nel lungo periodo.  (Tratto dall'introduzione del Prof. Giuseppe Poli)

I N T R O D U C T I ON
Press Communiqué:
OPENING SURINAME BLUE BLOOD IS BLACK BLOOD MUSEUM

EGMOND CODFRIED (Paramaribo, 1959), writer and publicist, is the inventor of the Blue Blood is Black Blood Theory (2005) that states that Europe between 1100 and 1848, was dominated by an elite, which was described as brown and black of complexion. He exhibits his collection of reproductions from often-unknown historical portraits that makes this museum the only one that concerns itself with the true looks of historical personages. Prince William I of Orange (1533-1518) was described as ‘More brown then white,’ and ‘brown of complexion and the beard.’ (Beresteyn, 1933: 1) Some of them, like William I of Orange, his father-in-law Maurice of Saxony, and Jane Austen (1775-1817) had, next to brown or black skin, also (strong) classical African facial traits: thick prognastic lips, and/or broad noses and frizzled hair; which once stood for pure noble blood: Blue blood. They were the descendents of the Blue Men, the black and brown original Europeans who came 45.000 years ago from Africa (Grimaldi Man). And part of which, between 1100-1200; declared themselves a nobility, and thus true Europeans. Intermarriage to remain black of complexion, and a noble lifestyle were both required. They self-styled as protectors against the Normans, civilised and christianised the white Europeans, who had only 6000 years earlier arrived from Central Asia, and who now became the Serfs which the nobility exploited. Typical for this lordship was the cruel way protest was dealt with, with executions by quartering, breaking of limps and disembowelling, and by throwing the intestines in the fire while still attached to the body. But the cruelest punishment must have been the public, live flaying. Therefore there existed a European trade in human skins till 1848, and these skins were industrially worked into bookbindings, clothing and even shoes for the elite. Church doors were lined with human skin, which fact shows that the exploitation of whites was regarded as the will of god. Theirs was a cast-society with the whites as outcasts. This information illustrates better why there was a need for a Declaration of The Rights of Man (1760), because the white Serfs asked their noble masters to be accepted as human beings. Then the Enlightened, Black high bourgeoisie ‘scientist,’ the intellectual elite, invented human races and placed the whites, the majority of the population, for strategic purposes; at the top of the evolutionary ladder, and the Moor all the way below, just above the great Apes. The Moor (Othello, Mr. Elton, Black Madonna’s, and the heraldic little Moors) symbolized nobility and Black Superiority. With this, they showed their true feelings for the high nobility with their ideas about Black Superiority.  The French Revolution (179-1794) initiated a change and brought the middling classes, the capitalist elite to power, but little changed for the poor working class people. Because of restorations like those by Napoleon, it took till the final revolutions of 1848, that the white Europeans were emancipated and the nobility lost it ‘privileges.’ Jane Austen was described as ‘brunette of complexion,’ and ‘a brown, not a pink colour’ and she made all her novel personages light brown, brown, very brown and black of complexion. She wrote against the change of status of the Black Elite. The Surinamese Governors and slave masters were members of this coloured or noble aristocracy. After 1848 history became revisionist, thus painted white. They created a fake, whitened history by using whitened, fashionable and propagandist portraits that were commissioned by the brown and black complexioned elite; who sometimes in real life painted themselves white or bleached their skins. The merit of the Blue Blood theory is deconstructing revisionism in history and deconstruction of Racism against Blacks, which was caused by the cruel, but civilising and christianising, oppression. Whites fear and hate Blacks because Blacks once ruled them. Racism is a liberation ideology. All unscientific theories about race and skull measuring etc. were invented to declare these Historical Blacks to be whites and thus hide Black Supremacy rule. This new museum, in a staircase of his home, with the blessing of Vestia Den Haag Zuid Oost, and only accessible by appointment; welcomes everybody, for which reason the entrance fee is only euro 1. The public can see portraits of Black Rulers and their Black Queens. There are reproductions of portraits of nobles and slave masters, which were never before shown publicly and are hidden in family- or scientific collections because of Black looks. There will be postcards and books for sale. This museum in The Hague will lead to the finding of a Suriname Museum of Black History in Suriname in 2013. bluebloodisblackblood.blogspot.com

Information. Egmond Codfried / 06427799
The Hague, 15 June 2012.

Valérie Piétri L'apparition du nobiliaire, en tant que nouveau genre littéraire et savant, permet sans doute de saisir une des inflexions majeures de la culture généa-logique française, à la croisée des transformations de l'état monarchique, de l'identité nobiliaire et des particularismes provinciaux. Des généalogies collectives aux nobiliaires, puis aux dictionnaires et histoires de la noblesse, la pratique généalogique rend compte de la manière dont le monde social est travaillé par la question des origines et par des conflits de légitimité qui s'emboîtent à différentes échelles. La Provence peut constituer un observatoire privilégié de l'évolution de ces formes de dispositifs textuels et graphique s d'une culture généalogique, héraldique et historique telle qu'elle est appropriée et diffusée par des auteurs provinciaux. En contre-point, d'autres cas provinciaux peuvent apporter des éclairages complé-mentaires sur des phénomènes globalement très similaires. La publication d'un nobiliaire constitue un véritable événement qui dépasse le simple champ littéraire ou du moins participe de manière exemplaire des pouvoirs de la littérature car, en offrant au public une « description », un « état » de la noblesse d'un pays, le nobiliaire construit, tout autant qu'il donne à voir, une réalité sociale. Genèse du nobiliaire au XVII e siècle : genres généalogiques, pratiques érudites et discours d'auteurs Jusqu'au début du xvii e siècle et dans le prolongement de la tradition médiévale, les généalogies collectives étaient essentiellement construites autour d'un lignage voire d'un personnage dont on s'appliquait à détailler

Shorter English Version: https://www.academia.edu/966274/The_Kingdom_of_Hungary_and_the_Habsburg_Monarchy_in_the_Sixteenth_Century._Translated_from_the_Hungarian_by_Thomas_J._and_Helen_D._DeKornfeld_Boulder_Colorado_Social_Science_Monographs_Wayne_New_Jersey_Center_for_Hungarian_Studies_and_Publications_Inc._New_York_Distributed_by_Columbia_University_Press_2009._East_European_Monographs_DCCXXXV._CHSP_Hungarian_Studies_Series_18._xviii_410_p

Historische Todesanzeigen, die aus Anlaß des Ablebens von Adeligen aus deutschen Ländern der Jahre  1912 bis 2009 gedruckt worden sind, können als wertvolle Quellen für die Ahnenforschung, die Familienforschung, aber auch die wissenschaftliche Forschung, gelten. Die hier präsentierte Liste nimmt sich dieser bisher vernachlässigten Quellengruppe an und erschließt bibliographisch den Quellenbestand.

Elenco dei titoli napoletani concessi tra il 1458 e il 1860, con i riconoscimenti successivi; 2016 schede nelle quali sono riportati nel dettaglio le concessioni, notizie storiche sugli insigniti o le famiglie, la successione, dati sui riconoscimenti e sugli attuali detentori. Presentazione di Francesco Sanseverino di Marcellinara, Presidente del Corpo della Nobiltà Italiana. 230 pagine, 31x24 cm, brossura, Claudio Grenzi Editore, Foggia 2015. Non più disponibile presso l'autore e l'editore.

This most recent edition of the bibliography contains almost 21,200 titles in English (64%) and French (36%), with an introductory section on historiography. It deals with every aspect of Italian history and culture from the Late Renaissance to the French Revolution.

Аниперков, В. К вопросу о том, почему конфессиональный фактор не стал определяющим во втором разделе Речи Посполитой / В. Аниперков  // Orientalia Christiana Cracoviensia. –  Tom 9 (2017). – S. 41– 66.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the Russian political and military projects between 1789 and 1791. These projects were represented as different notes, letters, orders of Grigory Potemkin and foresaw the initiation and usage of the orthodox population of the south-eastern parts of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth revolts. They were precursory approved by Ekaterina II and were intended to be used in case of a war conflict with the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth if the force balance was unprofitable for Russia. Four main reasons that did not let these plans to be accomplished are specified in this work. Firstly, the weakening of the Russian influence among the dissidents of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth during the Four-Year Sejm (1788–1792). Secondly, the changes on the global stage, that diminished the threat of simultaneous attack of several European countries on Russia, as well as the disadvantageous for G. Potemkin court conjuncture, that of the increased influence of the new favourite – Platon Zubov. And lastly – the French Revolution influence, which forced Ekaterina II to avoid supporting the lower class, which included most of the local orthodox population. In this article Ekaterina’s II refusal to start the religious and class war in the Right-Bank Ukraine is considered as one of the factors leading to the alternative scenario of Russian military intervention in the internal affairs of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth – in the formation of Targowica confederation.

К вопросу о том, почему конфессиональный фактор не стал определяющим во втором разделе Речи Посполитой. Статья посвящена анализу содержания российских военно-политических проектов 1789–1791 гг. по инициированию и использованию в собственных целях волнений православного населения в юго-восточных регионах Речи Посполитой. Эти проекты – представленные в виде различных записок, писем и распоряжений Г. А. Потёмкина – получили предварительное одобрение Екатерины II, которая была намерена использовать их в случае начала военного конфликта с участием Речи Посполитой и невыгодным для России соотношением сил. Определены четыре главные причины, не позволившие реализоваться данным планам: ослабление российского влияния среди диссидентов Речи Посполитой в период Четырёхлетнего сейма (1788–1792); изменения на международной арене, снизившие угрозу одновременного нападения на Россию ряда европейских государств; неблагоприятная для Г. А. Потёмкина дворцовая конъюнктура, связанная с усилением роли нового фаворита – П. А. Зубова; наконец – влияние Французской революции, заставившее Екатерину II воздержаться от поддержки в Речи Посполитой нижних слоёв населения, к которым относилось большинство местного православного населения. Отказ Екатерины II от развязывания в Правобережной Украине сословно-религиозной войны указывается в работе как один из факторов, обусловивший в скором времени осуществление альтернативного сценария российского военного вмешательства во внутренние дела Речи Посполитой – в виде cоздания Тарговицкой конфедерации.

This article delas with the relationship between the last lord of Rožmberkand his housekeepers in Prague in the times when Petr Vok spent only a few month
a year in Prague or he did not travel to his main town residence in Prague at all (after 1603). In those times the housekeeper became a real head of Rožmberk administrative in Prague. Between 1594 and 1611 we know about 7 such officials. These were mostly men who tried to enrich from the Rožmberk´s incomes. Petr Vok knew about the problems with his too much „independent“ housekeepers and tried to find a way to make them fill all his orders. But the article shows that he did not succeed in his efforts because the position of his official bureaucracy was very strong and even an execution of one of the Prague housekeepers did not help him. At the end of his life he could only hope that the next housekeeper would be more „faithful“ and would follow his instructions. This „dream“ was realized in a personality of Jan Libra who became the Prague housekeeper between 1605 and 1609.

This article explores the role of formal schooling in the social mobility and social re- production of the elite in the early modern context of post-Petrine Russia. An anal- ysis of career and educational choices made by Russian nobles in the 1730s–1740s and recorded in the registers of the Heraldry and petitions for enrolment into the Noble Land Cadet Corps demonstrate that the members of the post-Petrine elite had very clear preferences regarding their service trajectories. As the choices made by noble families were shaped by the specific combinations of resources and threats each of them faced, there emerged deep cleavages within the elite in terms of the at- titudes towards schooling. While wealthier nobles tended to join state schools, espe- cially the Cadet Corps, the poorest nobility overwhelmingly ignored educational requirements and service registration rules imposed by the government, avoiding schools and preferring instead to enlist directly into regiments as privates. Despite numerous attempts, the government failed to force these poorer nobles to follow the new rules for entering schools and state service, codified in 1736–1737, and had to regularly issue collective pardons to the offenders. While wealth was one crucial factor shaping the nobles’ service trajectories, their social connections and cultural endowments were no less important in channelling their educational and career choices and pushing them to embrace or reject the post-Petrine educational regime. As a result, the early modern “Westernization” of the Russian elite emerges as a dynamic social process driven by the choices made by the nobles themselves.

In the aftermath of the battle of Waterloo, the British nobility expressed a great interest in the battlefield. This study analyses the experiences of these aristocratic visitors as compared to the interpretations of other British, Dutch, Prussian and French travellers. Being relatives and acquaintances of famous British officers, the nobility explored the landscape in search of personal glory and comfort. By hearing stories of soldiers and accessing the tangible past they could recall the military vigour of heroes such as the Duke of Wellington. Furthermore, the article provides insight into the aristocratic influence on Waterloo as a lieu de mémoire and tourist attraction in the nineteenth century. The British government and some noble families erected various monuments in honour of noble officers. As time passed by, however, visitors not only travelled to Waterloo to remember the nation’s heroes. They were also attracted to the places where famous writers such as Lord Byron and Victor Hugo had gone through special experiences.

Resumo Inicialmente, o artigo compara as ideias de sangue, hereditariedade e raça nos tratados de nobreza. O cotejo pretende destacar suas variações semânticas entre os séculos XVI e XVII em Portugal. Em seguida analisa a trajetória administrativa e o testamento de André Vidal de Negreiros que não reconheceu os filhos bastardos. À revelia do pai, o mulato Matias Vidal de Negreiros tornou-se, com a graça do rei, nobre e administrador da fortuna paterna. Assim, a trajetória de Matias demonstra como os serviços prestados à monarquia e a nobreza paterna permitiram que seu filho bastardo e mulato se tornasse nobre. Embora rico e fidalgo, devido à cor e à bastardia, ele enfrentou forte oposição dos governadores e não se integrou efetivamente à "nobreza da terra" de Pernambuco e Paraíba. Para fazer valer seus privilégios no ultramar, Matias recorreu em vão às autoridades de Lisboa.

TRANSFORMATION DES MILITARADELS DER DONAUMONARCHIE WAHREND DES ERSTEN WELTKRIEGS

Die Studie hat sich zum Ziel gesetzt, die Wandlung des osterreich-ungarischen Militaradels (noblesse d'epee) im Laufe der Zeit, mit besonderem Augenmerk auf den Ersten Weltkrieg und die Ursachen fur die Veranderungen der Nobilitierungsvorschriften in der Ara des Ersten Weltkriegs, festzuhalten. Die systematisierte Adelung von Offizieren war mehr als 160 Jahre lang eines der traditionellen Symbole der Adelspolitik der Habsburger Monarchie. Ihre Einfuhrung im Jahre 1757 war Bestandteil der aufklarerischen Reformpolitik von Maria Theresia, die die Starkung der Krone in der Armee und die Gewahrleistung einer ausreichenden
Anzahl an qualifizierten und fahigen Offizieren anstrebte. Diese Personen stammten nun nicht mehr nur aus dem Adel, sie waren zumeist burgerlicher oder sogar landlicher Herkunft, und deshalb erhohte dieser Schritt grundsatzlich deren Prestige in der standisch hierarchisierten Gesellschaft.
Nach 1848 und der Verkundung der Gleichheit vor dem Gesetz verwandelte sich die Nobilitierung in eine spezifische Form der staatlichen Auszeichnung, die durch ihre Erblichkeit ausergewohnlich und einzigartig war. Der Anspruch der Offiziere auf den Adelstitel blieb trotz aller gesellschaftlichen und politischen Umschwunge erhalten, und dies vor allem deshalb, weil ein groser Teil des Offizierskorps dieses Privilegium als eines der Symbole seines Standes betrachtete. Zu Beginn des Ersten Weltkrieges zeigte sich jedoch, dass diese altehrwurdige Tradition einer grundsatzlichen Reform bedarf. Obwohl man ursprunglich an eine Restriktion der Privilegien gedacht hatte, trug die Entwicklung der militarischen Situation und der gesteigerte Bedarf an Personen mit Offiziersberuf dazu bei, dass die Plane zur Einschrankung der systematisierten Adelung von Offizieren einstweilen nur auf dem Papier existierten. Jedoch deutet eine ganze Reihe von Indizien daraufhin, dass zugleich ganz klar eine Richtung eingeschlagen wurde, die bei einer anderen historischen Fugung spater zu einer grundsatzlichen Einschrankung dieses Privilegs gefuhrt hatte. Anstatt dessen zerbrach 1918 die 100-jahrige Monarchie, und an ihrer Stelle entstanden Staaten und Regimes, die die Frage der Adelung radikal und ein fur alle Mal erledigten, und zwar durch Aufhebung.

Il volume illumina la vicenda umana e scientifica di André Tiraqueau, un magistrato attivo per buona parte della sua vita in provincia, anche se destinato a sedere infine nel Parlement di Parigi, nei cui scritti si rispecchiano la cultura, le convinzioni, i valori, in una parola la Weltanschauung della nutrita schiera di giuristi e funzionari regi che sta assumendo con mano sicura la guida della nazione in un'epoca densa di grandi cambiamenti politici, sociali, culturali e religiosi. André Tiraqueau si pone quale significativa figura di giureconsulto che incarna egregiamente alcune delle caratteristiche salienti della cultura giuridica francese nella prima metà del secolo XVI. tra le molte sue opere, alcuni scritti che a nostro avviso si segnalano per originalità e dottrina, nel pur ricchissimo panorama della produzione giuridica d'Oltralpe in età rinascimentale. I trattati "De nobilitate" e "De poenis temperandis", insieme al monumentale lavoro "De legibus connubialibus et iure maritali", sono in modi diversi dedicati ad una reale sperimentazione, relativa tanto ai generi letterari impiegati, quanto soprattutto ai contenuti in essi riversati. In particolare, nel caso del "De legibus connubialibus et iure maritali", ci troviamo di fronte ad un'opera nella quale Tiraqueau pone la propria straripante cultura umanistica al servizio della soluzione della "quaestio de matrimonio", nella sua duplice articolazione, circa il problema della scelta della moglie ed in merito al comportamento da tenere verso la consorte dopo le nozze. In tale opera, mediante la produzione di una massa enorme di allegazioni dotte tratte da tutti i campi dello scibile, l'autore si propone di dimostrare senza alcun dubbio come la donna sia per natura inferiore al maschio, per carenze oggettive psico-fisiche che devono essere riconosciute e neutralizzate, secondo gli insegnamenti aristotelici.

The genealogy of the Postumii Albini from the second half of the second century BCE onwards is uncertain and debated. This article attempts a new discussion of the evidence. Its main contention is that A. Postumius Albinus, cos. 99, should be distinguished from the homonymous legate, brother of Sp. Postumius Albinus, cos. 110; that the two moneyers A. Postumii Albini were, in all likelihood, not directly related to each other and were probably sons of the last two consuls of the family; and, as a consequence, that at least two lines of descent between the second and the first century BCE can be discerned. On the basis of these results, a new stemma of the ancient patrician family of the Albini is put forward.

When Holland and Zeeland were integrated in the Burgundian personal union, the court of the count disappeared in these counties . Instead. a regional administrative machinery was set up. in which the govemor,later called stadholder; was the most important officer.In the first years of Burgundian rule in Holland and Zeeland, the office of stadholder took shape. The office was based on predecessors in both the two counties as well as being modelled after French-Burgundian examples. In Holland and Zeeland the office developed out of a situation of crisis and war and found its final form after an unsuccessful experiment with a non-noble president. The stadholder replaced the count of Holland, that is the Burgundian duke, in allrespects. He was his lieutenant general and the subjects of Holland and
Zeeland regarded him as such. With the court at a distance, the stadholder was the most important link between the duke and his counties . He spoke the language of both the duke and his subjects in Holland and Zeeland. Moreover, he was a trustee of the duke and an expert in matters of justice, war and diplomacy. But he was not only formally the most important link between the regional and the supra-regional administrative level. Through
relationships based on patronage and kinship, nearly all stadholders had strong ties with one or more persons at the court . Fundamentally, the regional administration, and especially the stadholder, was the link between the duke and his subjects. They were the perfect mediators between the Burgundian dukes with their ambitious plans on the one hand and the towns that wanted to keep their independence and privileges without paying too many subsidies, on the other. In a sense they were brokers who could provide their clients access to the patron (the duke). Through their formal and informal relations, they connected the central powers with regional and local interest groups.

Fruit de plusieurs années de recherches dans les archives d’Europe centrale, cet ouvrage propose une étude de l’adaptation nobiliaire aux réformes de la monarchie des Habsbourg et aux bouleversements du temps des révolutions. La maison princière des Clary et Aldringen est un observatoire particulier pour interroger l’appartenance à l’Europe habsbourgeoise, aristocratique et francophone entre 1748 et 1848. La vie sociale et culturelle entre la seigneurie de Teplitz en plein essor thermal à la frontière de la Bohême du Nord et les hôtels de Prague et Vienne est mise en perspective avec les voyages dans l’Europe des restaurations pour une lecture des transitions à l’œuvre entre la fin du Saint-Empire et l’éveil des nations contemporaines.