Teutonic Knights

Nicholas of Hohenstein (1350-1420) - he studied in Vienna. From around 1370, he was in Gdańsk. Here, as the first chaplain, he founded Elendenhof (refuge for the poor). In 1390 he made a pilgrimage with Dorothea of Montau to Rome. After the transformation of Elendenhof in Elisabethhospital (St. Elizabeth's Hospital), Nicholas joined the Teutonic Order and became the first hospitalist. This is confirmed by the sources from 1416.

ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7373-2227

Lithuania and its neighbors in mutual relations (13th-16th C.)
The book consists of 16 studies dedicated to the relations of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania with neighbouring countries up to the 16th century – especially with the Kingdom of Poland and the Teutonic Knights' Prussia. Each study addresses constitutional, societal, economic, cultural, mental transformation, nation-building processes, as well as Lithuania's neighbourly relationships. They can be grouped according to the following leading issues: Lithuanian invasions of Polish territories and related events, Grand Dukes of Lithuania in a political and social context, the spiritual and material culture of the Grand Duchy, and the economic matters of this region and neighbouring countries, primarily the Teutonic Knights' Prussia.

Litwa i jej sąsiedzi w relacjach wzajemnych (XIII-XVI w.)
Na książkę składa się 16 studia, poświęconych relacjom Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego z krajami sąsiednimi do 16 w. - szczególnie z Królestwem Polski i Prusami Krzyżackimi. Poszczególne studia poświęcono zagadnieniom ustrojowym, społecznym, gospodarczym, kulturowym, przemianom mentalnym, procesom narodowotwórczym a także stosunkom sąsiedzkim Litwy. Można je pogrupować według następujących, wiodących problemów: najazdy litewskie na ziemie polskie i związane z tym wydarzenia, wielcy książęta litewscy w kontekście politycznym i otoczeniu społecznym, kultura duchowa i materialna Wielkiego Księstwa oraz zagadnienia gospodarcze tego obszaru i krajów sąsiednich, przede wszystkim Prus Krzyżackich.

Ricerca svolta presso il sito di Monfort, alle pendici dello sperone roccioso dove c'è un enigmatico palazzo in stile gotico. Si tratta della così detta Guest House di Monfort. Castello Teutonico roccaforte dell'Ordine di Ermanno fon Salsa nel periodo della Crociata federiciana.
Osservazioni e letture fanno intravedere nella piccola storia dell'edificio frammenti della grande storia Crociata

n the period of the Middle Ages the special role in the religious life both of eastern and western Christians played the relics. Their cult was one of the characteristic attributes of the cult of saints. The relics were strictly connected with the pilgrimage places (centers), they were also the objects of the reciprocal exchange, which was connected with the particular alliance between the both sides participating in this procedure. The cult of relics came to Prussia together with the, invited here, Teutonic Order. They were placed in the majority of the castle chapels. The Teutonic knights not seldom brought them from their home land, some of them could come from Holy places in Palestine, part of them were undoubtedly the gifts of the sovereigns of the neighboring countries. The his- tory proved that the relics often were found among the war captures. In the present article the relics from the castle in Ostróda (formerly Oster- ode) are described. According to the registers of the appointment of the castle chapel from the period between 1411 and 1516 we can draw a conclusion that there were here the relics of the following saints: saint Sigismund, saint Helen, saint Martin, saint Catherine, saint Hubert and Eleven thousand of Virgins. The Reformation and the acceptance of the Luther belief by the last Master of the Teutonic Order in 1525 brought the end to the cult of relics. After this peri- od some of them were taken away some other were dispersed and forgotten

The article presents two stages of secularization of the Teutonic order’s holdings in the Baltic
States. The first stage was carried out in 1525 by the Grand Master of Prussia, Albrecht of Brandenburg-
Ansbach, and the second — in 1561 in Livonia by landmaster Gotthard Kettler. The disappearance of
Ordensstaat was the result of these processes. They also changed the political landscape of this region. As a
result, the Duchies were established in the ex-order’s lands. The heads of spiritual order of knightly corporation
became secular leaders of these territorial units which practiced Lutheranism on the daily basis. This article
discusses the domestic political position of Grand Master and landmaster. It also deals with a matter of personal
attitude of Albreht Brandenburg-Ansbach and Gotthard Kettler to the evangelical faith. In the first case the
attention is paid to the existence of private correspondence with Martin Luther, who sent his messages to
Prussia and Livonia. Apparently Livonian landmaster was in close contacts with the Protestant preachers. This is
confirmed by the fact of his visits to Melanchthon’s lectures, as well as support for the opening of Protestant
schools in Livonia. Author studies the assembly of order‘s gebitigers of April 5, 1560 that reflected the mood
inside the military order before the secularization (associated with both the military and political situation caused
by the Livonian War, and with the religious issue). Article presents the factors that contributed the later secularization of the Order of Livonia in comparison with the Prussian lands. These examples indicate the
beginning of the time of konfessionalisation since the middle 1520s and assume the existence of a special
variant of the «order’s» Reformation in the Baltic lands. Faith-based processes started on this site a little earlier
than in the rest of the Holy Roman Empire. The spreading of Lutheranism in the order’s territories of the Baltic
lands is included in general picture of confessionalisation of the XVIth century.

Rafał Kubicki (University of Gdańsk)
Water mills and rural settlement in the Dominion of the Teutonic Order in Prussia
The study is devoted to the closer discussion of the issue of location, economic function and the legal status of water mills in the Dominion of the Teutonic Order in Prussia. The aim of it was also to indicate factors having the largest impact on the shape of the water mills network existing here in the Medieval period. The situation in Prussia was determined by the policy of the Teutonic Order. The Order not only did it control the right for building water mills in knight’s estates but also, except in several cases, constituted the sole owner of water mills situated in towns. It was indeed possible only due to the fact that the Teutonic Order, as the biggest land owner in the state, had water regale at its own disposal. It would give it the opportunity to plan a network of mills relevant to the needs of the settlement network in foundation.
The location of a watermill resulted above all from the real occurring economic needs and adequate water conditions. Authorities tried to keep the largest possible influence on the decisions on locating new buildings. Owing to that, on one hand, in the content of documents detailed provisions banning constructions of new mills in a given distance from the already existing ones would be included, and on the other, a system of incentives was applied in the form of milling coercion enforcing specific settlements to use only the designated mill. Town and villages location laws are abundant with references to the existence of mills or, even more often, just the plans of building them. The Order, bishops and chapters, while issuing the documents, often reserved for themselves the right to construct such a machinery, excluding parts of the terrain needed for that purpose from general location laws. Issuing a permit to build and utilise water mills in exchange for rent and the system of reservation, had a considerable impact on the way mill networks were created and the rules of their functioning. Planning the economy of rural area in terms of water mills allocation was also manifested by establishing separate mill hamlets, which enjoyed the status of independent settlement units.
Water mills constituted an important element of the economic infrastructure of rural areas, and that their functions were closely related to the organisation of villages as well as the farms production profile, thus with the scale of grain cultivation in juxtaposition to animal husbandry. It also meant that millers had to cooperate closely with the village community, sometimes by means of regulations included in mill laws and location documents of individual settlements. Within the framework of colonisation campaign conducted by the Teutonic Order in Prussia, based on locating towns and villages, also a development of a whole economic infrastructure commenced, of which an important part, the water mill was. Attempts to control that process occurred already at the stage of town or village location, which is indicated in the mentioned clauses of reserving the places for anticipated milling facilities. Later, analogical control was exercised over newly built or redeveloped mills. The economic crisis of the state observed in the middle of the 15th century, indicated by the phenomenon of desolation of villages, would also result in water mill network regression.

Plans to modernize the fortifications of the former castles of the Teutonic Order in Neidenburg and Johannisburg by the Dutch architect Nicolaus de Kemp (1602)
Johannisburg and Neidenburg, erected at the end of the 14th century, are castles combined with small cities at the southern border of the former Land of the Teutonic Order (since 1525 the dukedom of Prussia). At the beginning of the 17th century, the Prussian government planned to modernize the medieval castles and in 1601 engaged the Dutch architect Nicolaus de Kemp to work out drafts for the new fortifications. De Kemp presented three drawings of each castle: a perspective view and a ground plan of the place in the current state as well as the proposition of the conversions to be made. The drawings are especially valuable because they give a very detailed and reliable impression of the castles and the surrounding area (wooden palisades, ditches, houses, city walls etc.) as they appeared in 1601. The third drawing contains de Kemp’s propositions to modernize the castles by using bastions and earthworks. Finally, these plans were never realized.

Reviews: Jacek Adamczyk, in: Acta Poloniae Historica 91 (2005), 228; Antoni Gąsiorowski, in: Zapiski Historyczne 70, 1 (2005), 153–156; Mark Mersiowsky, in: Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 62 (2006), 255; Rimvydas Petrauskas, in: Lietuvos istorijos studijos 16 (2005), 96–98; Izabela Skierska, in: Roczniki Historyczne 70 (2004), 254–259; Jan Tęgowski, in: Studia Źródłoznawcze = Commentationes 42 (2004), 165–167; Herwig Weigl, in: Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 116 (2008), 424.

Medieval settlement around Stary Dzierzgoń (Alt-Christburg)


The surroundings of the village of Stary Dzierzgoń were already impacted by people during the Neolithic. Settlement was also concentrated here in the Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age, the of Roman Period and the Early Middle Ages. For the last three periods, this is confirmed above all by archaeological research that took place at the "Castle Hill" near Stary Dzierzgoń. The finds obtained during these investigations allowed the use of the site to be determined from the Early Iron Age up to the middle of the 13th century. During the conquest of Pomezania, the Prussian stronghold was transformed into a fortification by the Teutonic Order, in the form of a conventual castle, and the period of completion of this undertaking and the functioning of the Order’s defensive point was probably marked by the second Prussian uprising. A church was built near the castle in 1249, and in 1312 a village Alt-Christburg was established under German law. In the case of the village, the Prussian name of Kirsburg, derived from the name of the stronghold, has been preserved, with the first element Kirs deriving from the Prussian name Kirsne / Kirsnute or Kerse and burg referring to a stronghold.

In the Middle Ages, the settlement around the village of Stary Dzierzgoń was already established. In Prussian times, the area belonged to the Lingwars tribal territory. The earliest known settlement in the vicinity of Stary Dzierzgoń was Prussian Protajny (Prothein), part of which was obtained by one freeman by the name of Stephan in 1296. He was obliged to provide Prussian cavalry service. Another village is Górki (Grabisco), which appears in the sources in 1294. This was granted to one Gerko - as can be inferred from the Prussian name. In 1312, the village of Mortag Mortec (Mortung) was already functioning. From 1332, procurators (Pfleger / provisor) are certified in Mortąg. Later, the Fischmeister had his seat in Mortąg. The second village in the vicinity of Stary Dzierzgoń is Matule, which appeared for the first time in sources in 1321. In 1386-1399 Matule is described as a Prussian village. There was a Prussian elder here and peasants lived in the village bearing Prussian names such as: Mattis son of Wajsyla, Namir, Gundo, Woyade, Tessune, Wopine, Pomer, Iudenne, Sklodo, Spandot, Ione and Girlach. Alongside Prussians, Lithuanians also lived in the village, mentioned in 1402, 1404 and 1409-1411. The village of Monasterzysko (Munsterberg) bordered with Stary Dzierzgoń from the west. The first information about the village appears in the location document of the Stare Miasto (Altstadt) from May 3, 1312. It was a German village. To the north of Stary Dzierzgoń was the settlement of Hannus Lehmann Gut, today Zakręty (Sakrinten) known from 1312.

Okolice wsi Stary Dzierzgoń poddawane były antropopresji już w neolicie. Osadnictwo skupiało się tu także w epoce brązu i we wczesnej epoce żelaza, okresie wpływów rzymskich oraz wczesnym średniowieczu. Dla trzech ostatnich okresów potwierdzają to przede wszystkim badania archeologiczne, które miały miejsce na „Górze zamkowej” w pobliżu Starego Dzierzgonia. Pozyskane w toku badań zabytki pozwoliły określić użytkowanie miejsca począwszy od wczesnej epoki żelaza aż do połowy 13 wieku. Podczas podboju Pomezanii pruskie grodzisko zaczęto przekształcać w krzyżacką warownię o charakterze zamku konwentualnego, kres temu przedsięwzięciu i funkcjonowaniu krzyżackiego punktu obronnego położyło najpewniej drugie powstanie pruskie. W pobliżu grodu w 1249 roku wybudowano kościół, a w 1312 roku założono wieś na prawie niemieckim. Dla wsi zachowano jednak pruską nazwę Kirsburg wywodzącą się od nazwy grodu, gdzie pierwsza część Kirs pochodzi od pruskiego imienia Kirsne / Kirsnute lub Kerse a burg to właśnie gród.
W średniowieczu osadnictwo wokół wsi Stary Dzierzgoń było już ustabilizowane. W czasach pruskich okolice należały do ziemi Lingwars. Najwcześniej znana osada z okolicy Starego Dzierzgonia to pruskie dobra Protajny, których część w 1296 roku otrzymał pewien wolny imieniem Stephan. Zobowiązany był pełnienia pruskiej służby wojskowej konnej. Inna wieś to Górki (Grabisco), które pojawiają się w źródłach w 1294 roku. Dobra te otrzymał pewien Gerko – jak można wnioskować z imienia Prus. W 1312 roku funkcjonowała już wieś Mortąg Mortec (Mortung). Od 1332 roku w Mortągu poświadczeni są prokuratorzy (Pfleger / provisor). Później w Mortągu siedzibę miał Fischmeister. Druga wieś w sąsiedztwie Starego Dzierzgonia to Matule pojawiają się ona po raz pierwszy w źródłach w 1321 roku. W 1386-1399 roku Matule występują jako wieś pruska. Był tu pruski starosta oraz zamieszkiwali wieś wieśniacy o pruskich imionach takich jak: Mattis syn Wajsyla, Namir, Gundo, Woyade, Tessune, Wopine, Pomer, Iudenne, Sklodo, Spandot, Ione, Girlach. Obok Prusów wieś zamieszkiwali też Litwini, wspomniani w latach 1402, 1404 i 1409-1411. Wieś Monasterzysko (Munsterberg) graniczyła ze Starym Dzierzgoniem od strony zachodniej. Pierwszy raz informacje o wsi pojawiają się w dokumencie lokacyjnym Starego Miasta z 3 maja 1312 roku. Była to wieś niemiecka. Na północ od Starego Dzierzgonia znajdowały się dobra Hannus Lehmann Gut dzisiejsze Zakręty (Sakrinten) znane z 1312 roku.

The Teutonic Order was founded in 1190 to provide medical care for crusaders in the kingdom of Jerusalem. In time, it assumed a military role and played an important part in the defence of the Christian territories in the Eastern Mediterranean and in the Baltic regions of Prussia and Livonia; in the Levant, it fought against the neighbouring Islamic powers, whilst managing their turbulent relations with their patrons in the papacy and the German Empire. As the Order grew, it colonised territories in Prussia and Livonia, forcing it to address how it distributed its resources between its geographically-spread communities. Similarly, the brethren also needed to develop an organisational framework that could support the conduct of war on frontiers that were divided by hundreds of miles. This book-the first comprehensive analysis of the Order in the Holy Land-explores the formative years of this powerful international institution and places its deeds in the Levant within the context of the wider Christian, pagan and Islamic world. It examines the challenges that shaped its identity and the masters who planned its policies.

The first military order in Livonia, founded in 1202 in order to supply the Christian mission with a stable and local military force in addition to the coming and going of seasonal crusaders. In its short history, it was defeated in Lithuania in 1236 and forced to merge with the Teutonic Order, the Sword Brethren played a major role in Livonia often in opposition to other Christian powers in Livonia, the Bishop of Riga, the city of Riga and the Danish king.

This article will analyze the context offered by Peter of Dusburg, a brethren of the Teutonic Order, who wrote in 1326 in Prussia one of the most important descriptions of the history of the Teutonic Order - 'Chronicon Terrae Prussiae'. This Chronicle described the activities of the Teutonic Order first in the Holy Land, while also examining a number of events and persons who were active while the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem still existed. This article will deal with the establishment of the German institution in Acre in 1190 and until the fall of Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem in 1291, when the kingdom was conquered by the Muslim (Saracens) warriors after the fall of all the Crusader strongholds in the Latin  East, particularly Acre, to which Peter of Dusburg’s chronicles, dedicated a special chapter. These topics will allow an insight into the world of Peter of Dusburg, who had been active long time after the fall of the Latin Kingdom and who did not know what exactly happened there. He had presented, in his chronicle, the history of the Teutonic Order in a unique way, linking its activities in the Baltic region with its historical role in the Holy Land. That was far away from the military and political scene of Prussia and the Baltic region, long before the Teutonic Order had began its activities in the northern part of Europe.

The rule of the order of the Temple took a traditional monastic attitude towards women, being strongly antifeminine in tone, and seeing women as contaminating the brothers. However, the evidence discussed in this article suggests that the brothers had a more secular attitude to women. They were prepared to give way to pressure from their lay patrons and to admit women to full membership of the order, even, in one case, to accept responsibility for a nunnery. The evidence also indicates that, like knights of the world, they were inclined to romanticize women, and they seem to have preferred the cults of female saints to male. They were, however, as was normal in their society and class, too ready sexually to exploit ordinary women. This was apparently accepted by outsiders, for whereas the Templars were criticized for pride and greed, they were not accused of lack of chastity. Until the accusations brought against the order in 1307, the brothers also escaped the accusations of homosexuality hinted against more traditional monastic orders by secular clergy such as John of Salisbury and Walter Map.

W niniejszym artykule autor chciałby przedstawić funkcjonowanie tzw. korespondencji pośpiesznej w państwie krzyżackim w I połowie XV stulecia. Szczególnym obszarem zainteresowania są trasy, którymi poruszali się kurierzy pocztowi oraz czas transportu listów pomiędzy poszczególnymi ośrodkami.

In October 1307, by order of Philip IV of France, all the Knights Templar within the French domains were arrested. In November, Pope Clement V sent out orders for the arrest of the Templars throughout Europe. The brothers were accused of a variety of crimes, which were said to be long-established in the order. There were, it was claimed, serious abuses in the admission ceremony, where the brothers denied their faith in Christ. The order encouraged homosexual activity between brothers. The brothers worshipped idols. Chapter meetings were held in secret. The brothers did not believe in the mass or other sacraments of the church and did not carry these out properly, defrauding patrons of the order who had given money for masses to be said for their families' souls.

What was more, it was alleged that the Templars did not make charitable gifts or give hospitality as a religious order should. The order encouraged brothers to acquire property fraudulently, and to win profit for the order by any means possible.

During the trial of the Templars witnesses claimed that the order's abuses had been notorious far many years and under interrogation, including torture, many brothers confessed to at least some of these crimes. In March 1312, Pope Clement dissolved the Order of' the Temple, giving its property of the Order of the Hospital, and assigning the surviving brothers to other religious orders. Despite this, the question of the order's guilt has never been settled. Just what were the accusations made against the Templars before 1300, and were these related to the trial? What did contemporaries think about the other military orders, such as the Knights Hospitaller and the Teutonic Knights?
This article argues that, from the evidence, the famous, shocking charges brought against the Templars in 1307 were unknown before 1300. The order was certainly guilty of Fraud and unscrupulous greed, but so too were other religious orders. The brothers' real crime was their failure to protect the Holy Land after claiming to be solely responsible for its defence.

"Niemen w okresie wojny krzyżackiej z Litwinami: granica i korytarz (1283–1410)"
W artykule podjęto próbę analizy militarnej roli Niemna w czasie wojen prowadzonych między zakonem krzyżackim a Litwinami w okresie między końcem XIII a początkiem XV w. Był to czas, kiedy rzeka Niemen pełniła jednocześnie dwie główne role: oferowała możliwość przemieszczania się obu walczącym stronom, a także stanowiła granicę pomiędzy dwiema wrogimi sobie i zmilitaryzowanymi współnotamy: z jednej strony zakonu krzyżackiego, z drugiej – pogańskiego mocarstwa. Jaki pożytek zrobili z tej rzeki przeciwnicy? Jakie techniki stosowano w ekspansji zakonu krzyżackiego i w jego powstrzymywaniu? To główne pytania, na które niniejszy artykuł próbuje odpowiedzieć.

PL: Młode Miasto Gdańsk (1380-1455) i jego patrymonium, Gdańsk: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego, 2018, ss. 422.
ISBN 978-83-7865-752-1

Tematem rozprawy jest Młode Miasto Gdańsk i jego patrymonium. Ramy chronologiczne odpowiadają okresowi funkcjonowania tego organizmu miejskiego, od wystawienia przywileju lokacyjnego w 1380 r. po jego rozbiórkę w 1455 r. Młode Miasto zostało założone na północny zachód od Starego Miasta, jako czwarty człon wchodzący w skład późnośredniowiecznej aglomeracji Gdańska – obok Głównego i Starego Miasta oraz rybackiej osady Osiek. Krótki okres egzystencji ośrodka spowodował, że badaniami objęto nie tylko samą strefę osadniczą, ale także jego terytorium ziemskie (patrymonium) oraz relacje między nimi.

Założenia badawcze i szeroka kwerenda archiwalna pozwoliły ustalić nowe fakty dotyczące rozwoju przestrzennego średniowiecznego zespołu osadniczego Gdańska (określenie położenia strefy osadniczej miasta i granic jego patrymonium), członków władz miejskich Młodego Miasta (uzupełnienie dotychczasowych informacji o składach rady i ławy Młodego Miasta), jego organizacji kościelnej (w tym statusu parafialnego kościoła św. Bartłomieja przed 1456 r.), powiązań rodzinnych i gospodarczych między patrycjatem Głównego, Starego i Młodego Miasta, podstaw prawnych i ekonomicznych życia jego mieszkańców, przyczyn powstania oraz zagłady miasta, a także roli, jaką Młode Miasto i jego mieszkańcy odgrywali w polityce zakonu krzyżackiego (m.in. kwestia kompletnej apatii politycznej Młodego Miasta w okresie istnienia Związku Pruskiego oraz próby pojednawcze podejmowane przez wielkiego mistrza Ludwiga von Erlichshausena po wybuchu wojny trzynastoletniej).

Abstract

Rafał Kubicki
The inhabitants of Elbląg and the Dominican monastery since 13th century to the early 16th century

This article endeavours to characterise the relationship between the inhabitants of Elbląg and the Dominican monastery during the times of the Protestant Reformation. In the attempt to strengthen the bond with the local community, the monastery reached out to all the strata of the society: guilds and the ruling elite - counsellors and merchants. Contacts with guilds did not only concern their religious activity but were also of economic and social character. The evidence supporting close ties between confraternities and guilds’ and the monastery lies in prayer obligations taken up by the Dominicans and the right given to confraternities and guilds to use their own altars in the monastery’s church. The guilds cooperating with the Dominicans included fishermen, bakers, lightermen from the River Vistula, and shoemakers. The most affluent professions such as bakers and bricklayers owned their altars in the Dominicans’ church. Numerous last wills indicate contacts between burgesses and the monastery; usually small dispositions used to be given to cover the cost of the construction in the church taking place in the second half of 15th century. In addition, one can also identify cases with individual distributions made to the same purpose where the beneficiary assumed the obligation of performing special prayers for the benefactor (Bartholomew Fehrman’s document dated 1472). The attention that the inhabitants of the city paid to the Dominicans’ material needs was yet again confirmed in 1514 when the monastery was damaged by fire. In the second half of 16th century, despite these strong links, the Dominicans finally left the city in which they had lived and worked for more than 300 years. It seems that the initially authentic and strong relationships with the local community were forged mainly due to the active engagement of the monks and gradually became more formal and based barely on custom and tradition. The weakness of these ties turned out to be even more evident by the crisis in the Catholic Church, towards which the Reformation became a reaction. This article encloses the two aforementioned documents issued by the Dominicans in 1472 and 1514.

Zusammenfassung

Rafał Kubicki
Die Einwohner Elbings im Verhältnis zum Dominikanerkloster vom 13. bis zum Anfang des 16. Jahrhunderts

In diesem Beitrag wird der Versuch unternommen, die Beziehungen der Einwohner Elbings zum Dominikanerkloster bis zum Ausgang der Reformationszeit zu schildern. In seinem Streben nach einer Verstärkung der Verbindungen zur städtischen Gemeinschaft, bemühte sich das Kloster, alle Bevölkerungsschichten, sowohl Zünfte als auch Machteliten (Ratsherren und Kaufleute), zu erreichen. Im Bezug auf die Zünfte beschränkten sich diese Kontakte nicht nur auf das religiöse Leben, sondern umfassten auch wirtschaftliche und gesellschaftliche Bindungen. Ein Beweis für die engen Beziehungen der Brüderschaften und Zünfte zum Kloster sind Gebetsverpflichtungen der Dominikaner, einschließlich des Anspruchs von Bruderschaften und Zünften auf die Nutzung eigener Altäre in der Klosterkirche. Zu den mit den Elbinger Dominikanern kooperierenden Zünften gehörten Fischer, Bäcker, Maurer, Weichselflößer und Schuhmacher. Von den wohlhabenden Zünften der Alten Stadt Elbing besaßen Bäcker und Maurer Altäre in der Dominikanerkirche. Kontakte der Bürger mit den Mönchen sind darüber hinaus durch zahlreiche Vermächtnisse bestätigt – es waren meistens kleine Geldsummen, die zur Deckung der Kosten der in der zweiten Hälfte des 15. Jahrhunderts in der Kirche durchgeführten Bauarbeiten bestimmt waren. Daneben gab es Fälle von individuellen Vermächtnissen zu diesem Zwecke, bei denen sich die Dominikaner zu einer Gegenleistung in Form spezieller Gebete für den Spender verpflichteten (Urkunde von Bartholomäus Fehrmann vom Jahre 1472). Die Sorge der Einwohner um materielle Bedürfnisse der Dominikaner wird auch durch die von ihnen geleistete Hilfe bei der Beseitigung von Brandschäden 1514 bestätigt. Trotz dieser Naheverhältnisse verließen die Dominikaner Mitte des 16. Jahrhunderts die Stadt, in der sie langer als 300 Jahre tätig gewesen waren. Es ist anzunehmen, dass die – anfangs starken und engen – Verbindungen des Ordens mit der städtischen Gemeinschaft, die hauptsachlich von den Mönchen initiiert wurden, im Laufe der Zeit immer formeller und nur durch Tradition und Sitte aufrechterhalten wurden. Ihre Schwäche kam gänzlich durch die Krise der kirchlichen Strukturen zum Vorschein, die die Reformationsbewegung zur Folge hatte. Dem Artikel sind Editionen der beiden erwähnten, von den Dominikanern ausgestellten Urkunden aus den Jahren 1472 und 1514 beigefügt.

W dniach 27-28 maja 2017 roku na Uniwersytecie Warmińsko-Mazurskim w Olsztynie oraz w kapelanacie Związku Polskich Kawalerów Maltańskich w Klebarku Wielkim odbyła się międzynarodowa konferencja „Działalność zakonów rycerskich w cylicyjskim Królestwie Armenii i Królestwie Cypru”. Głównymi organizatorami konferencji był Związek Polskich Kawalerów Maltańskich, Ormiańskie Towarzystwo Kulturalne oraz JM Rektor UWM prof. dr hab. Ryszard J. Górecki.
Część naukową konferencji rozpoczął wykład na temat „Bizancjum i Ziemia Święta (VII-XII wiek)”, który wygłosił dr hab. Jacek Bonarek z Uniwersytetu Jana Kochanowskiego w Kielcach filia w Piotrkowie Trybunalskim. Następnie ks. prof. dr hab. Józef Naumowicz z Uniwersytetu Kardynała Stefana Wyszyńskiego w Warszawie pomówił „Problem unii między kościołami ormiańskim i katolickim w okresie Armenii cylicyjskiej (1080-1375 )”, a prof. dr hab. Krzysztof Stopka z Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego w Krakowie przedstawił kwestie dotyczące Krzyżaków w cylicyjskim Królestwie Armenii.
Ponadto mgr Michał Chlipała z Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego w Krakowie zaprezentował referat „Templariusze i Joannici w Armenii cylicyjskiej”, dr Łukasz Burkiewicz z Akademii Ignatianum w Krakowie omówił rolę polityczną, społeczną i gospodarczą Zakonu Joannitów na Cyprze do 1310 roku, a mgr Mateusz Sekuła - także z Akademii Ignatianum w Krakowie opowiedział jak wyglądał dwór i ludzie kultury w otoczeniu wielkich mistrzów w okresie rodyjskim.
Książka zawiera relację z konferencji oraz referaty i artykuły zaprezentowane podczas sympozjum.

This dissertation studies legal, political and personal ties of the Livonian territorial lords with the Holy Roman Emperors between 1199 and 1486. Medieval Livonia was a region whose territorial lords were eager to belong to the Holy Roman Empire. They entered into legal ties with the Emperors and used imperial charters as a source of legitimacy for their political actions. On the other hand, they showed no interest towards imperial affaires and did they fulfil any military and financial obligations. The Emperors themselves showed hardly any interest towards the region and did not even urge Livonian bishops to renew their feudal ties. Nevertheless, the Emperor gladly issued charters requested by Livonian territorial lords and often did not take sides in Livonia’s inner conflicts. There appears to have been a temporal fluctuation in the intensity of the ties between the Emperor and the territorial lords of Livonia. During the first half of the 13th Century the territorial lords of Livonia used the Emperor’s authority to legitimate their newly founded temporal lordships. Between the years ca. 1250–1350, on the other hand, only one territorial lord preserved its ties with Emperor. Relations with the Emperor began to densify from the middle of the 14th Century onwards and during the 15th century imperial authority played a significant role in Livonian inner politics. These kind of temporal fluctuations in the intensity of relations with the Emperor were not a particular feature of Livonian territorial lords, but were also characteristic of several German imperial princes. Livonia’s relations with the Emperor were clearly weaker compared to regions in Germany, but were nevertheless strong enough to consider Livonia a part of the Holy Roman Empire.

Doktoritöö käsitleb Liivimaa maahärrade õiguslikke, poliitilisi ja isiklikke sidemeid keisriga. Keskaegne Liivimaa oli regioon, mille maahärrad ise soovisid olla osa Püha Rooma keisririigist. Nad kasutasid keisri autoriteeti ära omavahelises rivaalitsemises, püüdes valitseja käest saadud ürikute toel tagada oma härrusõiguste püsimise ning legitimeerida oma poliitilist tegevust. Samas ei soovinud nad keisririigi poliitikas kaasa rääkida ega kanda keisririigi ees sõjalisi- või maksukohustusi. Keisrid ise Liivimaa vastu huvi ei tundnud. Nad ei sundinud sealseid maahärrasid oma õiguslikke sidemeid üleval hoidma, kuid reageerisid meeleldi Liivimaalt saabunud palvetele, väljastades maahärradele soovitud sisuga ürikud. Seejuures ilmnes ajaline kõikumine Liivimaa maahärrade ja keisri suhete intensiivsuse astmes. 13. sajandi esimesel poolel – ajal, mil asutati keskaegse Liivimaa maahärrused – täitis keiserlik autoriteet regioonis võrdlemisi tähtsat funktsiooni: legitimeerida vastsete maahärrade ilmalik võimutäius. Seevastu 13. sajandi keskpaigas algas ligi saja-aastane periood, mil suhteid keisrivõimuga hoidis üleval üksnes maahärra ja sedagi äärmiselt harva.14. sajandi teisel poolel hakkas suhtlus keisrivõimuga taas tihenema ning 15. sajandil mängis keiserlik autoriteet Liivimaal juba olulisemat rolli kui 13. sajandi alguses. Seesugune ajaline kõikumine keskvõimu ja regionaalsete isandate suhetes ei olnud siiski Liivimaa eripära, vaid oli omane ka paljudele Saksa vürstidele. Kokkuvõtteks võib öelda, et Liivimaa sidemed keisriga olid selgelt nõrgemad kui Saksa piirkondade omad, kuid siiski piisavalt tugevad, et lugeda keskaegset Liivimaad Püha Rooma keisririigi osaks.

The conquest and colonisation of the northeastern Baltic Rim in the 13th century durably shaped religious and ethnic identities of and relations between the native population and the arriving crusaders. This article explores the codes and displays of hospitality in the anonymous ‘Livonian Rhymed Chronicle’, which are seen here as ways of conceptualising the relationship and conflicts between the Teutonic Knights and the pagan or apostate people in Livonia. It asks which consequences the framing of the host-guest relations might have had for the self-comprehension of the chronicle’s author and his audience. The analysis of the chronicle is pursued along three lines: the first focuses on the questions of chivalry, courtesy, and conversion; the second explores different renditions of a miracle story of inhospitality from the 1220s; the third focuses on the conceptual metaphors of hospitality as a way in which the Teutonic Knights accommodated their adversaries’ viewpoints. In its conclusions, the article argues how a broad focus on the institutions, concepts, and discourses of hospitality can help account for both confrontational and amicable attitudes between the colonisers and the colonised both on the Baltic frontier and among other European frontier societies.

Das Apostelkollegium als bildhauerisches Ensemble war in der mittelalterlichen Skulptur ein wichtiges Element von europaweit hohem Rang und einer langen Kathedraltradition. Ein Zyklus von Apostelfiguren, die an Pfeilern oder Wandflächen angeordnet und in die architektonische Struktur des Kircheninnenraumes organisch eingebunden sind, war Träger der konkreten ekklesiologischen Ideologie. Wegweisend in Symbolik und Funktion ist der in der ersten Hälfte des 13. Jh. entstandene Apostelzyklus in der königlichen Kapelle Sainte-Chapelle in Paris. Die Verbreitung dieses Urmusters in der Kunst des mittelalterlichen Europas fand auf sehr unterschiedlichem Wege statt. Die Rezeption erfolgte entweder durch die Übernahme des Typs und der Funktion der gesamten Sainte-Chapelle (als Reliquienschrein) oder durch eine freiere Interpretation der Apostel als symbolischer Pfeiler, die oft von lokalen Kontext beeinflusst war. Fast alle erhaltenen Apostelkollegien aus dem 13. und 14. Jh. hatten eine ideologische Prägung, die mit der örtlichen Reliquientradition und Machtideologie verbunden war. Die bekannten Zyklen dieses Typs in Europa sind vereinzelt und topographisch ziemlich zerstreut. In Frankreich selbst ist das einzige erhaltene Beispiel der Nachahmung des bildhauerischen Dekors von Sainte-Chapelle der Skulpturenzyklus aus dem 13. Jh. in der Kathedrale zu Carcassonne. Die klar erkennbare Referenz an die französischen Vorbilder in der gotischen Ausbauphase des Kölner Doms führte zur Popularität dieses ikonografischen Typs am Nieder- und Mittelrhein. Ein weiteres frühes Beispiel befindet sich im Stift zu Xanten (nach 1300), ein etwas Späteres im Stift zu Soest (ca. 1350) und ein chronologisch etwas entfernterer, aber im Sinne der Semantik sehr interessanter Zyklus – im Domchor zu Aachen (Ende des 14. Jh). Ein anderes Zentrum dieses Typs war am Oberrhein, in Freiburg/Br. (ca. 1310–1315). Die Dekoration in der dortigen Pfarrkirche wurde im Rottweil wiederholt (1340–1360).
Vor diesem Hintergrund ist es auffallend, dass der Typus des wand- oder pfeilergebundenen Apostelkollegiums in Preußen durch sechs bis heute erhaltene bzw. bekannte Figurengruppen vertreten ist (neben Beispielen, deren Gestalt heute gar nicht mehr ablesbar ist – wie der Figurenzyklus in Arnau, dessen wahrscheinliche Existenz nur von der bis heute erhaltenen architektonischen Umrahmung bezeugt wird, siehe Kapitel IV/2). Diese Denkmalgruppe, die in vieler Hinsicht uneinheitlich ist, bildet ein außergewöhnliches Phänomen, dessen Bedeutung den Rahmen der regionalen Kunst weit überschreitet. Nicht nur im Baltikum, sondern auch im größeren mitteleuropäischen Bereich wurde in dieser Zeit die ekklesiologische Ideologie der Apostel als Glaubenspfeiler in ganz unterschiedlicher visueller Form – nämlich Wandmalerei – ausgedrückt (eine bekannte Ausnahme bildet der Skulpturenzyklus aus der St. Magdalenenkirche in Wrocław/Breslau). Demgegenüber gehören die vier ältesten preußischen Apostelkollegien aus Malbork/Marienburg, Królewiec/Königsberg, Brodnica/Strasburg, Chełmno/Kulm zu den europaweit frühesten Beispielen. Sie beweisen weniger die Nutzung eines gängigen Typs oder Musters, sondern können eher als eine bewusste symbolische Kreation betrachtet werden.
In der bisherigen Literatur sind die bildhauerischen Apostelkollegien in Preußen nur allgemein erwähnt – mit unterschiedlichen Datierungen und Zuschreibungen (siehe Kapitel I und Katalog). Die zwei herausragenden und ältesten Zyklen befinden sich in der Marienburger Schlosskirche und in der Pfarrkirche zu Kulm. Der Zyklus in Marienburg ist leider nur fragmentarisch erhalten, das Gesamtbild ist aber aus einer vorkriegszeitlichen Dokumentation bekannt. Das Apostelkollegium in Kulm umfasst heute elf überlebensgroße Figuren mit Konsolen und Baldachinen, die trotz Verlagerungen noch in situ erhalten sind. Das Königsberger Collegium wurde während des 2. Weltkriegs zerstört, dank fotografischer Aufnahmen ist es zumindest fragmentarisch bekannt. Der Zyklus in Strasburg ist leider nur in wenigen Bruchstücken erhalten, was eine detaillierte Rekonstruktion ausschließt. Eine für das Ordensland signifikante Besonderheit bilden schließlich die Holzfigurengruppen, die in hierfür vorgesehene steinerne architektonische Umrahmungen (Konsolen und Baldachine) eingefügt wurden. Beispiele hierfür sind die an der Wende des 13. zum 14. Jahrhunderts entstandenen Apostelzyklen in den Pfarrkirchen zu Strasburg und Elbląg/Elbing. Das beschriebene bildhauerische Werk wurde fast von Beginn an (ca.1340) von der Wandmalerei begleitet, die derselben Thematik gewidmet war.
Die erhaltenen Figurenzyklen (siehe Katalog) sind keine einheitliche Gruppe bezüglich Material, Form oder Chronologie. Einige Zyklen sind aus Kunststein (Stuck), die anderen aus Holz hergestellt. Sie befanden sich in verschiedenen liturgischen Räumen (Ordensburgen, Stadtpfarrkirchen, Kathedrale), trugen unterschiedliche Bedeutungen und zeigten jeweils individuelle künstlerische Ausdrucksformen. An einigen Beispielen sind Werkstattbeziehungen nachweisbar, obwohl die Werke verschiedenen Stilen zuzuordnen sind (besonders die zwei späteren aus den Pfarrkirchen in Strasburg und Elbing). Alle Apostelgruppen basieren auf dem verwendeten modus eines monumentalen Figurenzyklus, der ins Programm des Kircheninnenraumes integriert wurde und gleichzeitig einen eigenständig wirkenden plastischen Akzent setzt. Das erlaubt, sie als ein gemeinsames Forschungsthema zu betrachten. Alle diese Werke befinden sich in wichtigen sakralen Räumen, die für die Kirche des Ordenslandes in Preußen bestimmte Bedeutungen hatten. Damit bilden die Figurenzyklen trotz aller Unterschiede eine künstlerische Erscheinung, die größtenteils in dieselbe Zeit gehört, aus einer und derselben Idee resultiert und vom gleichen Urheber – dem Deutschen Ritterorden – stammt.