Violence Against Women

Introduction: Violence against women is a significant public health problem, as well as a fundamental violation of women's human rights. It is one of the most common forms of violence globally and includes physical , sexual, emotional and economic violence.

Over 22,000 UK women told VictimFocus about their experiences of violence and abuse. This dataset is the largest and most comprehensive record of violence committed against women and girls in the UK.

'I thought it was just a part of life' Understanding the Scale of Violence Committed Against Women in the UK Since Birth 99.7% of our sample had been repeatedly subjected to violence including assaults, harassment and rape.

Only 0.3% of women had only been subjected to one violent incident or less.

Our initial findings in this report suggest that current statistics of the prevalence of violence against women have been underestimated for decades, and instead, it is likely that every woman and girl will be subjected to violence, abuse, rape or harassment.

In the vast majority of cases reported here, women were subjected to multiple crimes and the perpetrators were overwhelmingly male

Los datos expuestos en este articulo forman parte de los hallazgos de una investigación realizada con el propósito de analizar y contrastar las interpretaciones de la Ley Núm. 54, del 15 de agosto de 1989, Ley para la Prevención e Intervención con la Violencia Domestica de Puerto Rico, según enmendada. Participaron en el estudio hacedores de política publica del gobierno de Puerto Rico, así como administradoras y profesionales del trabajo social de dos organizaciones de perspectiva feminista y dos organizaciones de base de fe. Haremos referencia a los datos relacionados con las construcciones de las personas entrevistadas acerca de las mujeres víctimas-sobrevivientes de violencia doméstica en Puerto rico, así como las interpretaciones de la Ley Núm. 54. Los entendidos de los sectores participantes del estudio revelan una relación directa entre la percepción de las mujeres que reciben los servicios, la interpretación y la implementación de la Ley. Estas concepciones tienen dos manifestaciones: en primer lugar, una interpretación individualista y, en segundo lugar, una estructural-institucional. Cada una de estas se manifiesta en abordajes diferentes en la atención de las necesidades de las mujeres de parte de las profesionales del trabajo social en estos contextos. Los hallazgos apuntan a la necesidad de expandir los parámetros de las investigaciones, educar y concienciar con el fin transformar el imaginario acerca del problema y como consecuencia su marco de acción.

This report—including interviews with more than 331 workers employed in 32 factories that supply to H&M—documents the experiences of women garment workers at the base of H&M garment supply chains. Concentrated in short term, low-skill, and low-wage positions, they are at daily risk of gender based violence and harassment at work.

This new research documents sexual harassment and violence including physical violence, verbal abuse, coercion, threats and retaliation, and routine deprivations of liberty including forced overtime. The research also makes clear these are not isolated incidents and that gender based violence in the H&M garment supply chain is a direct result of how H&M conducts business.

Based upon analysis of the spectrum of gender based violence and associated risk factors in the garment industry, these reports include concrete recommendations for an ILO Convention to eliminate gender based violence and harassment in the world of work.

Violence against adolescent girls occurs at alarmingly high rates in conflict-affected settings, in part due to their increased vulnerability from their age and gender. However, humanitarian programming efforts have historically focused either on child abuse prevention or intimate partner violence prevention and have not fully addressed the specific needs of adolescent girls, including engagement of caregivers to reduce risk of violence against adolescent girls. Thus, the objectives of this analysis are to examine the whether gendered and parental attitudes of caregivers in South Kivu, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) were associated with their adolescent girls' experiences of violence and girls' attitudes towards IPV. Cross-sectional data from 869 girls (10–14 years) and their caregivers (n = 764) were drawn from a baseline assessment of a violence prevention evaluation conducted in 2015. Findings suggest that female caregiver's gender equitable attitudes for adults may be associated with reduced odds of sexual abuse and less acceptance of IPV for adolescent girl children. Parenting attitudes and beliefs and gender equity for girl children were not associated with violence risk for girls, while increased accepting attitudes of negative discipline were only associated with lowered odds of sexual abuse. Understanding of caregivers' attitudes may provide potential insight into how to more effectively engage and develop programming for caregivers to promote the safety and well-being of adolescent girls.

Given the prominence of Muslim veils—in particular the hijab and full-face veil—in public discourse concerning the place of Muslims in Western society, we examined their impact on non-Muslims’ responses at both explicit and implicit levels. Results revealed that responses were more negative toward any veil compared with no veil, and more negative toward the full-face veil relative to the hijab: for emotions felt toward veiled women (Study 1), for non-affective attitudinal responses (Study 2), and for implicit negative attitudes revealed through response latency measures (Studies 3a and 3b). Finally, we manipulated the perceived reasons for wearing a veil, finding that exposure to positive reasons for wearing a veil led to better predicted and imagined contact (Study 4). Practical and theoretical implications are discussed.

In this paper, my aim is to elaborate disability movement praxis so that transnational struggles for justice over the production of impairment emerging from the Global South can be represented within the transnational frame of disability politics. The paper seeks to explore the potential of deepening socio-political understandings of impairment as a means to radically democratize disability movement politics at the transnational scale to encompass pluralist, yet subaltern, collective claims for justice. I am guided by the question: if impairment is the place that makes visible invisible debts, can the global disability rights movement begin a process of re-identification to open the boundaries of disability justice claims and develop a strategic orientation which recognizes those collective justice claims for geopolitically produced impairments?

La Violencia de Género es uno de los problemas sociales a los que, dada la gravedad y los resultados de muerte se le viene prestando, en la actualidad, mayor atención política, social y judicial. A raíz de la reforma del código penal español del año 2015, estudiaremos una nueva modalidad delictiva que combina el nuevo delito de acoso a través de medios digitales del artículo 172 ter, con la agravante del artículo 173.2  que hace referencia a la comisión del delito por las parejas o ex parejas. Con esta combinación de conceptos surge lo que podríamos denominar violencia de género digital y que se desarrolla fundamentalmente a través de las redes sociales y de los terminales móviles con aplicaciones de mensajería instantánea.

It is sometimes argued that the non-therapeutic, non-consensual alteration of children’s genitals should be discussed in two separate ethical discourses: one for girls (in which such alterations should be termed ‘female genital mutilation’ or FGM), and one for boys (in which such alterations should be termed ‘male circumcision’). In this article, I call into question the moral and empirical basis for such a distinction, and argue that all children—whether female, male, or intersex—should be free from having parts of their genitals removed unless there is a pressing medical indication.

The hijab is seen as a tool of Gender oppression. Is it really a sign of women"s enslavement? Or "degrading prison"? Or is it a sign of women"s modesty and liberation? Why doesn"t anyone ask the women who choose to wear it"? Or is it simply cultural difference (ethnocentrism or xenophobia) that it is regarded as oppressive. Many people argue Islam oppresses and discriminates women by wearing veils or hijab, while few people view it as a sign of women"s protection or liberation. These two views are held by West and Europe, and Islam respectively. The tight, transparent or half nude dress which Islam prohibits is admired in western culture and flaunted by western women. Thus it would be quite improper and unfair to say that Islam oppresses women" unless we study it, research it or understand it in the light of Islamic perspective. In this paper, an effort has been made to throw light on hijab and its relevance with gender oppression or liberation in the light of Islamic and western perspective. This paper is primarily based on secondary data content analysis research methodology. The main objective of the paper is to make us understand what hijab is.? and to stimulate our brains regarding its relation with gender liberation or oppression.

This research analyzed the violence against women in Muna that was focused on the root causes of violence, forms of violence, and its protection and resolution. It used gender perspective, constructivist paradigm, and qualitative approach. The collected data was qualitative data that was obtained through depth interview, observation of passive participative, as well as library research. Gender relations in Muna were unequal in which domination, subordination, marginalization, discrimination, violence, double burden, and stereotype by men to women. It was found that root causes of violence were patriarchal culture, drinking alcohol, economic factors, infidelity, and the seizure of child custody for a divorced spouse. The forms of violence that occur were physical, sexual, economic, psychic, exploitation, and trafficking, which occur in the domestic, public, and state spheres. The unique thing in Muna was the resolution of violence against women through indigenous institution that could be accepted by all parties to the conflict.

The Domestic Violence Project (DVP) began as an experiment but has become my favorite model for teaching law students about domestic violence work. The heart of the course is its emphasis on developing awareness of and compassion for the personally and emotionally challenging dimensions of domestic violence work. I achieve this (i) through an intensive and personal dialogue with students through written journals and responses; (ii) by inviting students to consider creative expression for their final project, and (iii) by teaching students about vicarious trauma and encouraging their understanding of it in themselves and other system players. Students seem to experience this course as an oasis of holistic professional and personal growth within the often dispiriting experience of law school.

The purpose of this study was to determine Relationship between violence against women and self-esteem in women of Tehran. The research method was descriptive. The study population consisted of all married women in Tehran, and the sample consisted of 70 women who were selected by convenience sampling. The questionnaire was consisted of Asayesh & Golpasha Questionnaire on Dimensions of Violence against Women (2016) (AGDVS, 2016), which were completed by subjects. Findings show there is a significant negative relationship between dimensions of violence (economic (p<0/01), hostility (p<0/01), communication (p<0/01), verbal (p<0/05) and total (p<0/01)) and self-esteem. These findings show that dimensions of violence (economic violence, communication, hostility and verbal abuse) are probably more relevant in decreasing of women's self-esteem. This information can be used to interventions and training of family for counselors and therapists in order to promote women's self-esteem.

La libération de la parole qui se manifeste depuis quelques années est incontestablement une rupture. Elle n'est pas totalement inédite puisque, dans les années 1840, dans le département de la Vendée, les dénonciations d'agressions sexuelles avaient pris une ampleur marquée, en lien évident avec les mutations sociales et politiques. Retour sur un mécanisme social.

Attention Press and Media: As a known legal and bioethics expert in women's health I have witnessed the reality that many women's health issues are lost in getting national coverage. It is clear that language concepts are essential in the education of the public on complex medical issues. At a recent meeting held at the Jungian Institute in Los Angeles a group of female therapists (all well-educated and not isolated persons), I found that only one woman had heard of morcellation. The rest of the group were horrified and found it difficult to believe me as I discussed the event of morcellation. This incident showed me the failure of our nation to learn about man made medical disasters that have cause pain, suffering, dysfunction and yes, even death of women. In order for one to discuss these issues basic terms are needed to begin with. I recalled my years of philosophy and that language is essential in the transference of information. One cannot report on these topics without having a language that the public can understand. Thus I will be providing new terms so that the press and reporters can use the terms and focus on these stories, for the loss of life is ongoing. Sometimes a term is needed to understand an event in our history. When the term " holocaust " came into use, the world was then capable of grasping the horror. There has been little effort to recognize that these stories all need to be told so that action can take place to change " mayhem and killing practices " .

I am asking you to publish this across the nation. ~ Dr. Vikki Hufnagel, MD

Refugee adolescents face increased vulnerability to child protection risks including abuse, neglect, violence, and exploitation. The aim of this qualitative study was to examine the nature of violence against adolescents in Kiziba Camp, Rwanda, using an ecological framework to analyze the factors that influence protection risks and abuse disclosure across multiple system levels. In order to understand these issues more comprehensively, a transgenerational inquiry sought perceptions from both adolescents and their caregivers. In April 2016, as part of a larger, comprehensive study on adolescent protection, 19 focus group discussions were conducted with a total of 70 adolescents and 68 caregivers from the Democratic Republic of Congo. A qualitative content analysis identified three salient themes. First, structural protection risks exist for adolescents in Kiziba Camp, with economic insecurity and resource constraints resulting in specific risks such as overcrowded housing and adolesc...

Dos equipos brasileños juegan la final de la Copa Libertadores en el Maracaná. El Palmeiras, el mayor campeón de los torneos nacionales, busca su segunda victoria en la Libertadores y el Santos, bicampeón mundial con Pelé, intenta ganar el cuatricampeonato de la principal competición continental. Sus seguidores tienen motivos para celebrar con las derrotas en la semifinal contra los argentinos River Plate y Boca Juniors. Sin embargo, algo siniestro está vinculado a esta decisión y al momento actual de Brasil, con Jair Bolsonaro imponiendo su agenda destructiva en Brasilia.

Como parte de su propaganda, el político apareció con la camiseta de decenas de clubes brasileños y es aliado de Rodolfo Landim, presidente del Flamengo, el equipo más popular del país. Sin embargo, Bolsonaro es un fanático de Palmeiras. Incluso su nombre rinde homenaje al exjugador Jair Rosa Pinto.

Campeón brasileño en 2018, el Palmeiras dejó que Bolsonaro levantara el trofeo y posara en la foto oficial del equipo.

Esto ocurrió poco después de que el congresista, con 28 años de carrera, miembro insignificante del Congreso Nacional dedicado a defender la dictadura militar —al igual que la matanza y la tortura que esta emprendió—, fuera elegido presidente. Casi 58 millones de brasileños consideraron razonable votar por alguien que dijo en la campaña que la izquierda debería ser enviada al lugar de ejecución de los presos políticos del régimen militar, ser fusilada, ir a la cárcel o exiliarse.

Brasil también tuvo la desgracia de sufrir la pandemia que asoló al mundo con Bolsonaro como presidente. Él la trata como una «gripecita» sin gravedad y anima a la población a no usar mascarilla, a no cambiar su rutina, a no mantenerse en aislamiento social, a utilizar medicamentos sin eficacia probada y a no vacunarse. En el país se han producido más de 210.000 muertes atribuidas al coronavirus, aparte de las víctimas mortales que no se hicieron la prueba.

Uno de los principales jugadores del Palmeiras, Felipe Melo, que siempre muestra su apoyo a Bolsonaro en Internet, participó con él en eventos oficiales. Ambos sin mascarilla, en medio a una multitud de personas. Bolsonaro llamó a quien lo criticó de «feroz fanático del virus, al que le gusta mucho el mimimi» (mimimi es un término peyorativo que se utiliza para desautorizar críticas a posiciones prejuiciosas y políticamente incorrectas).

En un acto contra el aislamiento social en São Paulo, un grupo de hinchas del Palmeiras publicó fotos con las palabras «Dios, patria, familia y amigos. Odiamos gambá».

El mensaje remite al lema «Dios, patria y familia» del integralismo, un fuerte movimiento fascista brasileño de los años 30, que se ha ido rearticulando. «Gambá» es un apodo peyorativo de Corinthians, un rival de Palmeiras cuyos partidarios se manifestaron contra el bolsonarismo. Sin embargo, los aficionados del Palmeiras, insatisfechos con la asociación del club con el Presidente, lanzaron el «Manifiesto de palmeirenses que apoyan a la democracia y a la ciencia y que repudian la mentira y la intolerancia».

Quien vio la derrota del Santos contra Boca Juniors debe haber visto al entrenador Cuca celebrar los goles con una camiseta con la imagen de la Virgen. Su devoción no impidió que lo arrestaran por violar a una niña cuando aún era jugador del Gremio. En una gira del equipo por Europa en 1987, él y tres compañeros de equipo, Henrique, Fernando y Eduardo, fueron detenidos en Suiza durante 28 días bajo los cargos de violar a Sandra Pfaffli, de solo 13 años, en el hotel donde se alojaban. Pudieron regresar a Brasil gracias a un gran lobby de la diplomacia brasileña y de la FIFA. Fueron condenados en 1989: no encontraron pruebas de violencia física en el cuerpo del delito, pero la víctima era menor de 16 años. Nunca fueron extraditados ni cumplieron condena.

En ese momento, las antropólogas Carmen Rial y Miriam Pillar Grossi comentaron en un artículo del periódico feminista Mulherio la complacencia de la prensa de Porto Alegre y de la población. Los columnistas culparon a la chica y consideraron la actitud de los violadores como un mero engaño. La madre de Fernando, uno de los cuatro acusados, argumentó que su hijo no tenía la culpa porque no era homosexual y «la chica fue allí a quitarse la ropa delante de ellos».

El exjugador del Santos, el delantero Robinho, fue condenado a nueve años de prisión por los tribunales italianos por «violencia sexual en grupo».

Él y sus amigos emborracharon a una chica albanesa para que no rechazara el acto sexual. En una grabación telefónica interceptada, Robinho se rió y dijo que no le importaba porque la mujer estaba borracha y ni siquiera sabía lo que estaba pasando. En octubre de 2020, la junta directiva del Santos pensó que era una buena idea traer de vuelta al ídolo condenado por violación colectiva. El contrato fue suspendido por una demanda de todos los patrocinadores del club.

La cultura de la violación relativiza la gravedad de la violencia sexual contra las mujeres. Esta cultura culpa a la mujer de ser violada y considera que los hombres tienen “necesidades naturales y comprensibles”, por lo que son estas quienes deben evitar tales situaciones.

La misoginia no se limita al acoso sexual. Bruno, exarquero del Flamengo y del Atlético Mineiro, fue condenado a 22 años de prisión por el secuestro, asesinato y ocultamiento del cadáver (supuestamente troceado) de su examante, Eliza Samudio, que le exigió el reconocimiento de la paternidad de su hijo. Cuatro clubes ya han contratado al feminicida después de su condena: Montes Claros, Boa Esporte, Poços de Caldas y Rio Branco. Nunca faltó el interés por sus autógrafos y otros clubes también han tratado de contratarlo, como Operário, Tupi y Fluminense de Feira.

El Brasil que odia el feminismo, se burla de las víctimas de violación y apoya la jerarquía sexista de la sociedad, eligió a Bolsonaro.

El entonces diputado, en un discurso en el club Hebraica de Río de Janeiro en 2017, bromeó diciendo sobre sus hijos: «Fueron cuatro hombres. En la quinta, flaqueé y tuve una mujer». Imaginen cómo alguien que se refiere así a su propia hija se comporta con otras mujeres.

No hay que imaginar: diversas veces Bolsonaro ha dicho públicamente sobre la diputada Maria do Rosário, del PT, defensora de los derechos humanos, que no la violó porque «no se lo merecía», por ser «muy fea». En 2015 fue condenado a pagarle una indemnización y a pedirle disculpas. No pasó nada más. De esta manera pudo completar su mandato parlamentario y luego ser elegido presidente de la república.

En el momento más brutal de la dictadura militar, en virtud de la Ley Institucional Nº 5, la selección brasileña fue tricampeona mundial en 1970. El triunfo fue usado para hacer propaganda y Pelé sirvió en misiones oficiales con pasaporte diplomático como divulgador del gobierno del General Médici.

Ahora, Palmeiras y Santos deciden la Copa Libertadores, jugada en las fases decisivas durante la pandemia y sin aficionados en las gradas. La prensa brasileña celebra la gran hazaña deportiva, mientras que Bolsonaro mantiene su popularidad a pesar de promover la destrucción de la economía, las instituciones y los derechos sociales. El eslogan de 1970 ya puede ser gritado por bocas sin mascarillas: «¡Adelante, Brasil!».

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Article in Georgian: http://laf.ge/journals/index.php/test/article/view/2/2
One  will  often  find  statements  by  specialists  of  a  variety  of  branches  of  domestic law  in  Georgia  arguing  that  there  is  no  international  law.  Others  will  consider international  law  to  be  part,  for  example,  of  the  public  law  branch  of  domestic law. The Founder of the International Law School in Georgia, Academician Levan Alexidze  has  laid  a  solid  foundation  for  enlightening  lawyers  in  Georgia  on  the peculiarities of International Law, this independent legal system that undoubtedly and definitively exists. This article is a brief account of the importance International Law has for the international community and for the formation of domestic legal systems.

The 'Past Sense' Project (PSP) brings together contemporary and historical archaeology, and psychotherapy, to consider the significance of material culture within contexts of domestic and sexual abuse, past and present. PSP will pilot a range of approaches to explore how collaborative community encounters with historic landscapes and buildings, artefacts, and other historical sources might enhance the process of identity (re-)construction and trauma management, for survivors of childhood and adulthood violence and abuse.
Methods include experimental auto- and co-archaeologies that integrate personal narratives and reflections within analyses of data obtained from archaeological surface- and building surveys, and auto-archive material. This will involve considering the (re)construction of meanings for material culture in relation to memory and identity, through studies of artefact biographies, and attending to the production and appropriation of transitional objects, through autobiographical studies.
We will also test the incorporation of recording, analysis, and interpretation of archaeological and other historical material (including written evidence, oral histories, photography, and artistic images) from earlier periods (particularly the 19th - mid 20th centuries) within community work – potentially involving creative elements (such as storytelling and artwork). In doing so, we will explore how engagement with material relating to domestic life in the more distant past (where appropriate, integrating historical material relating to domestic and sexual violence) might enable traumatised individuals and groups to confront experiences of violence in the more recent past. By examining diachronically continuous and changing abusive practices, and socio-political responses to abuse, we aim to foster recognition of dominant ideologies, and the practical, detrimental, effects of structural gender inequality. Emphasising acts of resistance to violence in and around the home, we endeavour to highlight personal and collective achievements that might reinforce and augment both a sense of self, and of community, for survivors of abuse.

Child abuse is a major public health problem. In order to establish the prevalence of abuse exposure among children, measures need to be age-appropriate, sensitive, reliable and valid. This study aimed to investigate the psychometric properties of the Adverse Childhood Experiences Questionnaire Abuse Short Form (ACE-ASF). The ACE-ASF is an 8-item, retrospective self-report questionnaire measuring lifetime physical, emotional and sexual abuse. Data from a nationally representative sample of 15-year-old, school-going adolescents (n=1733, 55.5% female) from the Romanian Health Behavior in School-Based Children Study 2014 (HBSC) were analyzed. The factorial structure of the ACE-ASF was tested with Exploratory factor analysis (EFA) and confirmed using Confirmatory factor analysis (CFA). Measurement invariance was examined across sex, and internal reliability and concurrent criterion validity were established. Violence exposure was high: 39.7% physical, 32.2% emotional and 13.1% sexual ab...

The World Health Organization encourages a “gender transformative” paradigm for preventing violence against women and girls. Gender transformative interventions engage men and boys to reflect critically on—and then to challenge and change—gender-inequitable attitudes and behaviors. To interpret the mixed findings of research evaluating such programs, we review the “social norms” model that informs the paradigm. We bolster the paradigmatic conceptualization of social norms through insights about how exposure to trauma shapes gendered patterns of victimization and perpetration, about gendered violence from research on homophobic bullying, and about transforming local regimes of gender accountability.

Violence against women in close relationships is one of the most worrying and controversial situations in modern society. The main goal of this study was to identify the social perception that people generally have of gender violence in order to obtain profiles of both men who resort to violence against their partners and women who are victims of abuse, identifying

The aim of this article is to critically analyze the feminist discourse that led to the recent enactment of Brazilian laws that increased the penalties for violence against women, in order to demonstrate that they cannot escape the cognitive traps established by male domination naturalized in Western societies and how they have served the development of neoliberal biopolitics.

Violence occurs in about 35 per cent of women globally in their lifetime. in a study done in India, on about 10000 women, 26 per cent reported having experienced physical violence from spouses during their lifetime. The prevalence could be as high as 45 per cent as indicated by data from Uttar Pradesh. Latest figures from the National Crime Records Bureau show that a crime was recorded against women every three minutes. Every hour, at least two women are sexually assaulted and every six hours, a young married woman is beaten to death, burnt or driven to suicide. It is appalling to learn that 28.4 per cent of pregnant women suffer domestic violence. As a result of violence, women suffer social isolation, unemployment, income loss, poor self-care and fail to provide childcare, which is a grave concern